an essay on the principle of population chapter 2 summary

• An Essay on the Principle of Population Summary

by Thomas Malthus

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Malthus observes that humans tend to like having sex, which means that inevitably (especially before modern contraceptives) humans would likely continue to make children at a constant rate. But since two people can have more than two children, and each of those children can have even more children, population growth is not arithmetical, but rather geometric.

What Malthus means by 'arithmetical' and 'geometric' is simply that some systems produce at the level of addition and subtraction, and other systems work differently. If it works by process of addition, it is arithmetical, and if it works by process of multiplication, such as population growth, it is geometric.

So Malthus concludes from that basic study of the systems of population growth that we can expect the population to double every 25 years. By the way, Malthus's mathematical analysis is understood by most people to be incorrect, but his idea is still powerful. Could humans populate at such a rate that eventually, we exhaust our resources, and what would happen if that were the case?

He then explains that he is not predicting a doomsday, or an apocalypse, but rather, that given our understanding of mathematics, humans should begin to consider their effect on the environment as an exponentially powerful animal, since our biological existence means that we must sustain ourselves by using natural resources.

Malthus continues by explaining that many of the variables in the sustainability question are fluid, such as the potential development of new technologies to advance agriculture and infrastructure. Instead of offering a creative solution, he leaves the question open for audience participation, because after all, we're all on the same planet, so overpopulation is a risk that could potentially effect the entire race if not treated with scientific attention.

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• Malthus–Ricardo debate on political economy

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An Essay on the Principle of Population

By thomas robert malthus.

There are two versions of Thomas Robert Malthus’s Essay on the Principle of Population . The first, published anonymously in 1798, was so successful that Malthus soon elaborated on it under his real name. * The rewrite, culminating in the sixth edition of 1826, was a scholarly expansion and generalization of the first.Following his success with his work on population, Malthus published often from his economics position on the faculty at the East India College at Haileybury. He was not only respected in his time by contemporaneous intellectuals for his clarity of thought and willingness to focus on the evidence at hand, but he was also an engaging writer capable of presenting logical and mathematical concepts succinctly and clearly. In addition to writing principles texts and articles on timely topics such as the corn laws, he wrote in many venues summarizing his initial works on population, including a summary essay in the Encyclopædia Britannica on population.The first and sixth editions are presented on Econlib in full. Minor corrections of punctuation, obvious spelling errors, and some footnote clarifications are the only substantive changes. * Malthus’s “real name” may have been Thomas Robert Malthus, but a descendent, Nigel Malthus, reports that his family says he did not use the name Thomas and was known to friends and colleagues as Bob. See The Malthus Homepage, a site maintained by Nigel Malthus, a descendent.For more information on Malthus’s life and works, see New School Profiles: Thomas Robert Malthus and The International Society of Malthus. Lauren Landsburg

Editor, Library of Economics and Liberty

First Pub. Date

London: John Murray

6th edition

The text of this edition is in the public domain. Picture of Malthus courtesy of The Warren J. Samuels Portrait Collection at Duke University.

Table of Contents

• Chapter III
• Chapter VII
• Chapter VIII
• Chapter XII
• Chapter XIII
• Chapter XIV
• Bk.II,Ch.II
• Bk.II,Ch.III
• Bk.II,Ch.IV
• Bk.II,Ch.VI
• Bk.II,Ch.VII
• Bk.II,Ch.VIII
• Bk.II,Ch.IX
• Bk.II,Ch.XI, On the Fruitfulness of Marriages
• Bk.II,Ch.XII
• Bk.II,Ch.XIII
• Bk.III,Ch.I
• Bk.III,Ch.II
• Bk.III,Ch.III
• Bk.III,Ch.IV
• Bk.III,Ch.V
• Bk.III,Ch.VI
• Bk.III,Ch.VII
• Bk.III,Ch.VIII
• Bk.III,Ch.IX
• Bk.III,Ch.X
• Bk.III,Ch.XI
• Bk.III,Ch.XII
• Bk.III,Ch.XIII
• Bk.III,Ch.XIV
• Bk.IV,Ch.II
• Bk.IV,Ch.III
• Bk.IV,Ch.IV
• Bk.IV,Ch.VI
• Bk.IV,Ch.VII
• Bk.IV,Ch.VIII
• Bk.IV,Ch.IX
• Bk.IV,Ch.XI
• Bk.IV,Ch.XII
• Bk.IV,Ch.XIII
• Bk.IV,Ch.XIV
• Appendix II

Preface to the Second Edition

The Essay on the Principle of Population, which I published in 1798, was suggested, as is expressed in the preface, by a paper in Mr. Godwin’s Inquirer. It was written on the impulse of the occasion, and from the few materials which were then within my reach in a country situation. The only authors from whose writings I had deduced the principle, which formed the main argument of the Essay, were Hume, Wallace, Adam Smith, and Dr. Price; and my object was to apply it, to try the truth of those speculations on the perfectibility of man and society, which at that time excited a considerable portion of the public attention.

In the course of the discussion I was naturally led into some examination of the effects of this principle on the existing state of society. It appeared to account for much of that poverty and misery observable among the lower classes of people in every nation, and for those reiterated failures in the efforts of the higher classes to relieve them. The more I considered the subject in this point of view, the more importance it seemed to acquire; and this consideration, joined to the degree of public attention which the Essay excited, determined me to turn my leisure reading towards an historical examination of the effects of the principle of population on the past and present state of society; that, by illustrating the subject more generally, and drawing those inferences from it, in application to the actual state of things, which experience seemed to warrant, I might give it a more practical and permanent interest.

In the course of this inquiry I found that much more had been done than I had been aware of, when I first published the Essay. The poverty and misery arising from a too rapid increase of population had been distinctly seen, and the most violent remedies proposed, so long ago as the times of Plato and Aristotle. And of late years the subject has been treated in such a manner by some of the French Economists; occasionally by Montesquieu, and, among our own writers, by Dr. Franklin, Sir James Stewart, Mr. Arthur Young, and Mr. Townsend, as to create a natural surprise that it had not excited more of the public attention.

Much, however, remained yet to be done. Independently of the comparison between the increase of population and food, which had not perhaps been stated with sufficient force and precision, some of the most curious and interesting parts of the subject had been either wholly omitted or treated very slightly. Though it had been stated distinctly, that population must always be kept down to the level of the means of subsistence; yet few inquiries had been made into the various modes by which this level is effected; and the principle had never been sufficiently pursued to its consequences, nor had those practical inferences drawn from it, which a strict examination of its effects on society appears to suggest.

These therefore are the points which I have treated most in detail in the following Essay. In its present shape it may be considered as a new work, and I should probably have published it as such, omitting the few parts of the former which I have retained, but that I wished it to form a whole of itself, and not to need a continual reference to the other. On this account I trust that no apology is necessary to the purchasers of the first edition.

To those who either understood the subject before, or saw it distinctly on the perusal of the first edition, I am fearful that I shall appear to have treated some parts of it too much in detail, and to have been guilty of unnecessary repetitions. These faults have arisen partly from want of skill, and partly from intention. In drawing similar inferences from the state of society in a number of different countries, I found it very difficult to avoid some repetitions; and in those parts of the inquiry which led to conclusions different from our usual habits of thinking, it appeared to me that, with the slightest hope of producing conviction, it was necessary to present them to the reader’s mind at different times, and on different occasions. I was willing to sacrifice all pretensions to merit of composition, to the chance of making an impression on a larger class of readers.

The main principle advanced is so incontrovertible, that, if I had confined myself merely to general views, I could have intrenched myself in an impregnable fortress; and the work, in this form, would probably have had a much more masterly air. But such general views, though they may advance the cause of abstract truth, rarely tend to promote any practical good; and I thought that I should not do justice to the subject, and bring it fairly under discussion, if I refused to consider any of the consequences which appeared necessarily to flow from it, whatever these consequences might be. By pursuing this plan, however, I am aware that I have opened a door to many objections, and, probably, to much severity of criticism: but I console myself with the refection, that even the errors into which I may have fallen, by affording a handle to argument, and an additional excitement to examination, may be subservient to the important end of bringing a subject so nearly connected with the happiness of society into more general notice.

Throughout the whole of the present work I have so far differed in principle from the former, as to suppose the action of another check to population which does not come under the head either of vice or misery; and, in the latter part I have endeavoured to soften some of the harshest conclusions of the first Essay. In doing this, I hope that I have not violated the principles of just reasoning; nor expressed any opinion respecting the probable improvement of society, in which I am not borne out by the experience of the past. To those who still think that any check to population whatever would be worse than the evils which it would relieve, the conclusions of the former Essay will remain in full force; and if we adopt this opinion we shall be compelled to acknowledge, that the poverty and misery which prevail among the lower classes of society are absolutely irremediable.

I have taken as much pains as I could to avoid any errors in the facts and calculations which have been produced in the course of the work. Should any of them nevertheless turn out to be false, the reader will see that they will not materially affect the general scope of the reasoning.

From the crowd of materials which presented themselves, in illustration of the first branch of the subject, I dare not flatter myself that I have selected the best, or arranged them in the most perspicuous method. To those who take an interest in moral and political questions, I hope that the novelty and importance of the subject will compensate the imperfections of its execution.

An Essay on the Principle of Population by Thomas Malthus

Written: 1798 Source : Rod Hay's Archive for the History of Economic Thought , McMaster University, Canada html Markup: Andy Blunden

Question stated - Little prospect of a determination of it, from the enmity of the opposing parties - The principal argument against the perfectibility of man and of society has never been fairly answered - Nature of the difficulty arising from population - Outline of the principal argument of the Essay

The different ratio in which population and food increase - The necessary effects of these different ratios of increase - Oscillation produced by them in the condition of the lower classes of society - Reasons why this oscillation has not been so much observed as might be expected - Three propositions on which the general argument of the Essay depends -- The different states in which mankind have been known to exist proposed to be examined with reference to these three propositions.

The savage or hunter state shortly reviewed - The shepherd state, or the tribes of barbarians that overran the Roman Empire - The superiority of the power of population to the means of subsistence - the cause of the great tide of Northern Emigration.

State of civilized nations - Probability that Europe is much more populous now than in the time of Julius Caesar - Best criterion of population - Probable error of Hume in one the criterions that he proposes as assisting in an estimate of population - Slow increase of population at present in most of the states of Europe - The two principal checks to population - The first, or preventive check examined with regard to England.

The second, or positive check to population examined, in England - The true cause why th immense sum collected in England for the poor does not better their condition - The powerful tendency of the poor laws to defeat their own purpose - Palliative of the distresses of the poor proposed - The absolute impossibility, from the fixed laws of our nature, that the pressure of want can ever be completely removed from the lower classes of society - All the checks to population may be resolved into misery or vice.

New colonies - Reasons for their rapid increase - North American Colonies - Extraordinary instance of increase in the back settlements - Rapidity with which even old states recover the ravages of war, pestilence, famine, or the convulsions of nature.

A probable cause of epidemics - Extracts from Mr Suessmilch's tables - Periodical returns of sickly seasons to be expected in certain cases - Proportion of births to burials for short periods in any country an inadequate criterion of the real average increase of population - Best criterion of a permanent increase of population - Great frugality of living one of the causes of the famines of China and Indostan - Evil tendency of one of the clauses in Mr Pitt's Poor Bill - Only one proper way of encouraging population - Causes of the Happiness of nations - Famine, the last and most dreadful mode by which nature represses a redundant population - The three propositions considered as established.

Mr Wallace - Error of supposing that the difficulty arising from population is at a great distance - Mr Condorcet's sketch of the progress of the human mind - Period when the oscillation, mentioned by Mr Condorcet, ought to be applied to the human race.

Mr Condorcet's conjecture concerning the organic perfectibility of man, and the indefinite prolongation of human life - Fallacy of the argument, which infers an unlimited progress from a partial improvement, the limit of which cannot be ascertained, illustrated in the breeding of animals, and the cultivation of plants.

Chapter 10.

Mr Godwin's system of equality - Error of attributing all the vices of mankind to human institutions - Mr Godwin's first answer to the difficulty arising from population totally insufficient - Mr Godwin's beautiful system of equality supposed to be realized - In utter destruction simply from the principle of population in so short a time as thirty years.

Chapter 11.

Mr Godwin's conjecture concerning the future extinction of the passion between the sexes - Little apparent grounds for such a conjecture - Passion of love not inconsistent either with reason or virtue.

Chapter 12.

Mr Godwin's conjecture concerning the indefinite prolongation of human life - Improper inference drawn from the effects of mental stimulants on the human frame, illustrated in various instances - Conjectures not founded on any indications in the past not to be considered as philosophical conjectures - Mr Godwin's and Mr Condorcet's conjecture respecting the approach of man towards immortality on earth, a curious instance of the inconsistency of scepticism.

Chapter 13.

Error of Mr Godwin is considering man too much in the light of a being merely rational - In the compound being, man, the passions will always act as disturbing forces in the decisions of the understanding - Reasonings of Mr Godwin on the subject of coercion - Some truths of a nature not to be communicated from one man to another.

Chapter 14.

Mr Godwin's five propositions respecting political truth, on which his whole work hinges, not established - Reasons we have for supposing, from the distress occasioned by the principle of population, that the vices and moral weakness of man can never be wholly eradicated - Perfectibility, in the sense in which Mr Godwin uses the term, not applicable to man - Nature of the real perfectibility of man illustrated.

Chapter 15.

Models too perfect may sometimes rather impede than promote improvement - Mr Godwin's essay on 'Avarice and Profusion' - Impossibility of dividing the necessary labour of a society amicably among all -Invectives against labour may produce present evil, with little or no chance of producing future good - An accession to the mass of agricultural labour must always be an advantage to the labourer.

Chapter 16.

Probable error of Dr Adam Smith in representing every increase of the revenue or stock of a society as an increase in the funds for the maintenance of labour - Instances where an increase of wealth can have no tendency to better the condition of the labouring poor - England has increased in riches without a proportional increase in the funds for the maintenance of labour - The state of the poor in China would not be improved by an increase of wealth from manufactures.

Chapter 17.

Question of the proper definition of the wealth of a state - Reason given by the French economists for considering all manufacturers as unproductive labourers, not the true reason - The labour of artificers and manufacturers sufficiently productive to individuals, though not to the state - A remarkable passage in Dr Price's two volumes of Observations - Error of Dr Price in attributing the happiness and rapid population of America, chiefly, to its peculiar state of civilization - No advantage can be expected from shutting our eyes to the difficulties in the way to the improvement of society.

Chapter 18.

The constant pressure of distress on man, from the principle of population, seems to direct our hopes to the future - State of trial inconsistent with our ideas of the foreknowledge of God - The world, probably, a mighty process for awakening matter into mind - Theory of the formation of mind - Excitements from the wants of the body - Excitements from the operation of general laws - Excitements from the difficulties of life arising from the principle of population.

Chapter 19.

The sorrows of life necessary to soften and humanize the heart - The excitement of social sympathy often produce characters of a higher order than the mere possessors of talents - Moral evil probably necessary to the production of moral excellence - Excitements from intellectual wants continually kept up by the infinite variety of nature, and the obscurity that involves metaphysical subjects - The difficulties in revelation to be accounted for upon this principle - The degree of evidence which the scriptures contain, probably, best suited to the improvements of the human faculties, and the moral amerlioration of mankind - The idea that mind is created by excitements seems to account for the existence of natural and moral evil.

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An Essay on the Principle of Population

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Thomas Malthus (1766-1834)

Thomas Robert Malthus is an English philosopher and political economist infamous for his theory on the growth of population. He graduated with honors from Jesus College at the University of Cambridge in 1791 and excelled in mathematics. He was good friends with economist David Hume—whom he credited for inspiration in his work — and Genevan philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau.

In 1805, two years after publishing the revised edition of his Essay on the Principle of Population, he began work at the East India Company College in Hertfordshire as a professor of history and political economy. Malthus is a founding member of the Political Economy Club created by economist James Mill in 1821. However, a debate with Scottish economist John Ramsay McCulloch cost Malthus his reputation in 1827. Although some still adhered to Malthus’s theories, he had largely lost credibility by the end of his life. Malthus died of heart disease in 1834.

Adam Smith (1723-1790)

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Galactic Governance: the Alien and Sedition Acts through an Interstellar Lens

This essay is about the Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798, reimagined through the lens of interstellar politics. It examines the historical context of these laws, which were enacted by President John Adams to address national security concerns and internal political strife. The essay explores how these acts extended residency requirements, empowered the president to deport non-citizens, and criminalized dissent against the government. By framing the discussion within an intergalactic federation, the essay highlights the tension between security and civil liberties, drawing parallels to modern governance challenges. It also underscores the acts’ legacy in shaping judicial review and balancing individual rights with societal protection.

How it works

The closing years of the 18th century in the nascent United States were charged with intense political discord and international upheaval. In this turbulent era, President John Adams enacted the Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798, legislation that remains a pivotal chapter in American history. But what if we explored this historical moment through the imaginative framework of interstellar politics and extraterrestrial encounters? This unique perspective can offer fresh insights into the fears and motivations that shaped the actions of the Adams administration and the broader implications for civil liberties and governance.

Imagine Earth as part of an intergalactic federation, where various planets and species coexist under a fragile alliance. Within this context, the United States is a relatively new member of the federation, navigating its place among older, more established civilizations. The Alien and Sedition Acts, then, can be seen as measures taken not only to address internal political strife but also to manage relationships with extraterrestrial allies and potential adversaries.

The Naturalization Act, one of the four laws that make up the Alien and Sedition Acts, extended the residency requirement for citizenship from five to fourteen years. In our interstellar scenario, this act could be viewed as a means to control the influence of alien immigrants from other planets, particularly those sympathetic to rival factions within the federation. By extending the naturalization period, the government aimed to ensure that only those fully assimilated into Earth’s culture and political system could gain the rights of citizenship.

The Alien Friends Act and the Alien Enemies Act, which granted the president the power to deport non-citizens deemed dangerous and to arrest enemy aliens during wartime, respectively, take on a new dimension in this cosmic setting. These acts could be interpreted as measures to protect Earth from interplanetary espionage and subversion. The ability to deport potentially hostile extraterrestrials and detain those from enemy planets during times of conflict would be crucial for maintaining planetary security and stability.

The Sedition Act, the most controversial of the four laws, criminalized making “false, scandalous, and malicious” statements against the government. In our interstellar framework, this act can be seen as an attempt to prevent the spread of misinformation and dissent that could weaken Earth’s position within the federation. The fear of alien propaganda and the potential for internal divisions to be exploited by rival planets would have driven the government to take stringent measures against perceived threats to its authority.

President John Adams and the Federalists justified these acts as necessary for national—and interplanetary—security. They viewed the pro-alien sentiments among immigrants and the influence of alien sympathizers within the Democratic-Republican press as significant threats. By enacting these laws, they sought to preserve Earth’s sovereignty and stability in the face of external and internal challenges.

However, these acts quickly became a source of contention. Critics, including Thomas Jefferson and James Madison, argued that they violated fundamental constitutional rights, particularly the First Amendment’s protections of speech and press. In our interstellar analogy, these critics would be concerned about the broader implications for civil liberties within the federation, fearing that such measures could set a dangerous precedent for other member planets.

The prosecutions under the Sedition Act, which targeted journalists and political opponents, can be likened to a crackdown on interstellar free speech. The case of Congressman Matthew Lyon, who was imprisoned for criticizing President Adams, illustrates the potential for abuse of power in the name of security. Such actions could undermine trust in the government and fuel resistance among the population, both on Earth and among sympathetic planets in the federation.

The Alien and Sedition Acts highlight the tension between security and liberty, a theme that resonates in any context, whether terrestrial or extraterrestrial. These laws demonstrate how fears of foreign influence and internal dissent can lead to repressive measures, raising important questions about the balance between protecting society and upholding individual rights.

While the acts were short-lived—the Naturalization Act was repealed in 1802, and the Sedition Act expired in 1801—their legacy is significant. The Alien Friends Act and the Alien Enemies Act, though rarely invoked, remain part of U.S. law, with the latter still applicable in times of war. This enduring presence suggests that the concerns they addressed continue to be relevant, whether in the context of terrestrial or interstellar governance.

Moreover, the acts contributed to the development of the concept of judicial review. The opposition from Jefferson and Madison, who advocated for the states’ right to judge the constitutionality of federal laws, laid the groundwork for the landmark case of Marbury v. Madison. This case established the principle of judicial review by the Supreme Court, a cornerstone of American constitutional law.

In an interstellar federation, the principles established by such legal precedents would be crucial for maintaining justice and accountability among member planets. The balance between security and civil liberties would be a constant challenge, requiring vigilance and a commitment to upholding the rights of all beings, regardless of their planetary origin.

The Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798, viewed through the lens of interstellar politics, offer a unique perspective on the complexities of governance and the protection of civil liberties. They remind us that the struggle to balance security and freedom is a universal challenge, one that transcends time and space. By exploring these historical events in an imaginative framework, we can gain new insights into the motivations behind these laws and their lasting impact on the principles of justice and governance.

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