effects of social media on young adults essay

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Social media harms teens’ mental health, mounting evidence shows. what now.

Understanding what is going on in teens’ minds is necessary for targeted policy suggestions

Most teens use social media, often for hours on end. Some social scientists are confident that such use is harming their mental health. Now they want to pinpoint what explains the link.

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By Sujata Gupta

February 20, 2024 at 7:30 am

In January, Mark Zuckerberg, CEO of Facebook’s parent company Meta, appeared at a congressional hearing to answer questions about how social media potentially harms children. Zuckerberg opened by saying: “The existing body of scientific work has not shown a causal link between using social media and young people having worse mental health.”

But many social scientists would disagree with that statement. In recent years, studies have started to show a causal link between teen social media use and reduced well-being or mood disorders, chiefly depression and anxiety.

Ironically, one of the most cited studies into this link focused on Facebook.

Researchers delved into whether the platform’s introduction across college campuses in the mid 2000s increased symptoms associated with depression and anxiety. The answer was a clear yes , says MIT economist Alexey Makarin, a coauthor of the study, which appeared in the November 2022 American Economic Review . “There is still a lot to be explored,” Makarin says, but “[to say] there is no causal evidence that social media causes mental health issues, to that I definitely object.”

The concern, and the studies, come from statistics showing that social media use in teens ages 13 to 17 is now almost ubiquitous. Two-thirds of teens report using TikTok, and some 60 percent of teens report using Instagram or Snapchat, a 2022 survey found. (Only 30 percent said they used Facebook.) Another survey showed that girls, on average, allot roughly 3.4 hours per day to TikTok, Instagram and Facebook, compared with roughly 2.1 hours among boys. At the same time, more teens are showing signs of depression than ever, especially girls ( SN: 6/30/23 ).

As more studies show a strong link between these phenomena, some researchers are starting to shift their attention to possible mechanisms. Why does social media use seem to trigger mental health problems? Why are those effects unevenly distributed among different groups, such as girls or young adults? And can the positives of social media be teased out from the negatives to provide more targeted guidance to teens, their caregivers and policymakers?

“You can’t design good public policy if you don’t know why things are happening,” says Scott Cunningham, an economist at Baylor University in Waco, Texas.

Increasing rigor

Concerns over the effects of social media use in children have been circulating for years, resulting in a massive body of scientific literature. But those mostly correlational studies could not show if teen social media use was harming mental health or if teens with mental health problems were using more social media.

Moreover, the findings from such studies were often inconclusive, or the effects on mental health so small as to be inconsequential. In one study that received considerable media attention, psychologists Amy Orben and Andrew Przybylski combined data from three surveys to see if they could find a link between technology use, including social media, and reduced well-being. The duo gauged the well-being of over 355,000 teenagers by focusing on questions around depression, suicidal thinking and self-esteem.

Digital technology use was associated with a slight decrease in adolescent well-being , Orben, now of the University of Cambridge, and Przybylski, of the University of Oxford, reported in 2019 in Nature Human Behaviour . But the duo downplayed that finding, noting that researchers have observed similar drops in adolescent well-being associated with drinking milk, going to the movies or eating potatoes.

Holes have begun to appear in that narrative thanks to newer, more rigorous studies.

In one longitudinal study, researchers — including Orben and Przybylski — used survey data on social media use and well-being from over 17,400 teens and young adults to look at how individuals’ responses to a question gauging life satisfaction changed between 2011 and 2018. And they dug into how the responses varied by gender, age and time spent on social media.

Social media use was associated with a drop in well-being among teens during certain developmental periods, chiefly puberty and young adulthood, the team reported in 2022 in Nature Communications . That translated to lower well-being scores around ages 11 to 13 for girls and ages 14 to 15 for boys. Both groups also reported a drop in well-being around age 19. Moreover, among the older teens, the team found evidence for the Goldilocks Hypothesis: the idea that both too much and too little time spent on social media can harm mental health.

“There’s hardly any effect if you look over everybody. But if you look at specific age groups, at particularly what [Orben] calls ‘windows of sensitivity’ … you see these clear effects,” says L.J. Shrum, a consumer psychologist at HEC Paris who was not involved with this research. His review of studies related to teen social media use and mental health is forthcoming in the Journal of the Association for Consumer Research.

Cause and effect

That longitudinal study hints at causation, researchers say. But one of the clearest ways to pin down cause and effect is through natural or quasi-experiments. For these in-the-wild experiments, researchers must identify situations where the rollout of a societal “treatment” is staggered across space and time. They can then compare outcomes among members of the group who received the treatment to those still in the queue — the control group.

That was the approach Makarin and his team used in their study of Facebook. The researchers homed in on the staggered rollout of Facebook across 775 college campuses from 2004 to 2006. They combined that rollout data with student responses to the National College Health Assessment, a widely used survey of college students’ mental and physical health.

The team then sought to understand if those survey questions captured diagnosable mental health problems. Specifically, they had roughly 500 undergraduate students respond to questions both in the National College Health Assessment and in validated screening tools for depression and anxiety. They found that mental health scores on the assessment predicted scores on the screenings. That suggested that a drop in well-being on the college survey was a good proxy for a corresponding increase in diagnosable mental health disorders. 

Compared with campuses that had not yet gained access to Facebook, college campuses with Facebook experienced a 2 percentage point increase in the number of students who met the diagnostic criteria for anxiety or depression, the team found.

When it comes to showing a causal link between social media use in teens and worse mental health, “that study really is the crown jewel right now,” says Cunningham, who was not involved in that research.

A need for nuance

The social media landscape today is vastly different than the landscape of 20 years ago. Facebook is now optimized for maximum addiction, Shrum says, and other newer platforms, such as Snapchat, Instagram and TikTok, have since copied and built on those features. Paired with the ubiquity of social media in general, the negative effects on mental health may well be larger now.

Moreover, social media research tends to focus on young adults — an easier cohort to study than minors. That needs to change, Cunningham says. “Most of us are worried about our high school kids and younger.” 

And so, researchers must pivot accordingly. Crucially, simple comparisons of social media users and nonusers no longer make sense. As Orben and Przybylski’s 2022 work suggested, a teen not on social media might well feel worse than one who briefly logs on. 

Researchers must also dig into why, and under what circumstances, social media use can harm mental health, Cunningham says. Explanations for this link abound. For instance, social media is thought to crowd out other activities or increase people’s likelihood of comparing themselves unfavorably with others. But big data studies, with their reliance on existing surveys and statistical analyses, cannot address those deeper questions. “These kinds of papers, there’s nothing you can really ask … to find these plausible mechanisms,” Cunningham says.

One ongoing effort to understand social media use from this more nuanced vantage point is the SMART Schools project out of the University of Birmingham in England. Pedagogical expert Victoria Goodyear and her team are comparing mental and physical health outcomes among children who attend schools that have restricted cell phone use to those attending schools without such a policy. The researchers described the protocol of that study of 30 schools and over 1,000 students in the July BMJ Open.

Goodyear and colleagues are also combining that natural experiment with qualitative research. They met with 36 five-person focus groups each consisting of all students, all parents or all educators at six of those schools. The team hopes to learn how students use their phones during the day, how usage practices make students feel, and what the various parties think of restrictions on cell phone use during the school day.

Talking to teens and those in their orbit is the best way to get at the mechanisms by which social media influences well-being — for better or worse, Goodyear says. Moving beyond big data to this more personal approach, however, takes considerable time and effort. “Social media has increased in pace and momentum very, very quickly,” she says. “And research takes a long time to catch up with that process.”

Until that catch-up occurs, though, researchers cannot dole out much advice. “What guidance could we provide to young people, parents and schools to help maintain the positives of social media use?” Goodyear asks. “There’s not concrete evidence yet.”

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Teens and social media use: What's the impact?

Social media is a term for internet sites and apps that you can use to share content you've created. Social media also lets you respond to content that others post. That can include pictures, text, reactions or comments on posts by others, and links to information.

Online sharing within social media sites helps many people stay in touch with friends or connect with new ones. And that may be more important for teenagers than other age groups. Friendships help teens feel supported and play a role in forming their identities. So, it's only natural to wonder how social media use might affect teens.

Social media is a big part of daily life for lots of teenagers.

How big? A 2022 survey of 13- to 17-year-olds offers a clue. Based on about 1,300 responses, the survey found that 35% of teens use at least one of five social media platforms more than several times a day. The five social media platforms are: YouTube, TikTok, Facebook, Instagram and Snapchat.

Social media doesn't affect all teens the same way. Use of social media is linked with healthy and unhealthy effects on mental health. These effects vary from one teenager to another. Social media effects on mental health depend on things such as:

• What a teen sees and does online.
• The amount of time spent online.
• Psychological factors, such as maturity level and any preexisting mental health conditions.
• Personal life circumstances, including cultural, social and economic factors.

Here are the general pros and cons of teen social media use, along with tips for parents.

Healthy social media

Social media lets teens create online identities, chat with others and build social networks. These networks can provide teens with support from other people who have hobbies or experiences in common. This type of support especially may help teens who:

• Lack social support offline or are lonely.
• Are going through a stressful time.
• Belong to groups that often get marginalized, such as racial minorities, the LGBTQ community and those who are differently abled.
• Have long-term medical conditions.

Sometimes, social media platforms help teens:

• Express themselves.
• Connect with other teens locally and across long distances.
• Learn how other teens cope with challenging life situations and mental health conditions.
• View or take part in moderated chat forums that encourage talking openly about topics such as mental health.
• Ask for help or seek healthcare for symptoms of mental health conditions.

These healthy effects of social media can help teens in general. They also may help teens who are prone to depression stay connected to others. And social media that's humorous or distracting may help a struggling teen cope with a challenging day.

Unhealthy social media

Social media use may have negative effects on some teens. It might:

• Distract from homework, exercise and family activities.
• Disrupt sleep.
• Lead to information that is biased or not correct.
• Become a means to spread rumors or share too much personal information.
• Lead some teens to form views about other people's lives or bodies that aren't realistic.
• Expose some teens to online predators, who might try to exploit or extort them.
• Expose some teens to cyberbullying, which can raise the risk of mental health conditions such as anxiety and depression.

What's more, certain content related to risk-taking, and negative posts or interactions on social media, have been linked with self-harm and rarely, death.

The risks of social media use are linked with various factors. One may be how much time teens spend on these platforms.

In a study focusing on 12- to 15-year-olds in the United States, spending three hours a day using social media was linked to a higher risk of mental health concerns. That study was based on data collected in 2013 and 2014 from more than 6,500 participants.

Another study looked at data on more than 12,000 teens in England between the ages of 13 to 16. The researchers found that using social media more than three times a day predicted poor mental health and well-being in teens.

But not all research has found a link between time spent on social media and mental health risks in teens.

How teens use social media also might determine its impact. For instance, viewing certain types of content may raise some teens' mental health risks. This could include content that depicts:

• Illegal acts.
• Self-harm or harm to other people.
• Encouragement of habits tied to eating disorders, such as purging or restrictive eating.

These types of content may be even more risky for teens who already have a mental health condition. Being exposed to discrimination, hate or cyberbullying on social media also can raise the risk of anxiety or depression.

What teens share about themselves on social media also matters.

With the teenage brain, it's common to make a choice before thinking it through. So, teens might post something when they're angry or upset, and regret it later. That's known as stress posting.

Teens who post content also are at risk of sharing sexual photos or highly personal stories. This can lead to teens being bullied, harassed or even blackmailed.

Protecting your teen

You can take steps to help your teens use social media responsibly and limit some of the possible negative effects.

Use these tips:

Set rules and limits as needed. This helps prevent social media from getting in the way of activities, sleep, meals or homework.

For example, you could make a rule about not using social media until homework is done. Or you could set a daily time limit for social media use.

You also could choose to keep social media off-limits during certain times. These times might include during family meals and an hour before bed.

Set an example by following these rules yourself. And let your teen know what the consequences will be if your rules aren't followed.

• Manage any challenging behaviors. If your teen's social media use starts to challenge your rules or your sense of what's appropriate, talk with your teen about it. You also could connect with parents of your teen's friends or take a look at your teen's internet history.
• Turn on privacy settings. This can help keep your teen from sharing personal information or data that your teen didn't mean to share. Each of your teen's social media accounts likely has privacy setting that can be changed.

Monitor your teen's accounts. The American Psychological Association recommends you regularly review your child's social media use during the early teen years.

One way to monitor is to follow or "friend" your child's social accounts. As your teen gets older, you can choose to monitor your teen's social media less. Your teen's maturity level can help guide your decision.

Have regular talks with your teen about social media. These talks give you chances to ask how social media has been making your teen feel. Encourage your teen to let you know if something online worries or bothers your teen.

Regular talks offer you chances to give your child advice about social media too. For example, you can teach your teen to question whether content is accurate. You also can explain that social media is full of images about beauty and lifestyle that are not realistic.

• Be a role model for your teen. You might want to tell your child about your own social media habits. That can help you set a good example and keep your regular talks from being one-sided.

Explain what's not OK. Remind your teen that it's hurtful to gossip, spread rumors, bully or harm someone's reputation — online or otherwise.

Also remind your teen not to share personal information with strangers online. This includes people's addresses, telephone numbers, passwords, and bank or credit card numbers.

• Encourage face-to-face contact with friends. This is even more important for teens prone to social anxiety.

Talk to your child's healthcare professional if you think your teen has symptoms of anxiety, depression or other mental health concerns related to social media use. Also talk with your child's care professional if your teen has any of the following symptoms:

• Uses social media even when wanting to stop.
• Uses it so much that school, sleep, activities or relationships suffer.
• Often spends more time on social platforms than you intended.
• Lies in order to use social media.

Your teen might be referred to a mental healthcare professional who can help.

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• Hagan JF, et al., eds. Promoting the healthy and safe use of social media. In: Bright Futures: Guidelines for Health Supervision of Infants, Children, and Adolescents. 4th ed. https://publications.aap.org/pediatriccare. American Academy of Pediatrics; 2017. Accessed Oct. 3, 2023.
• Social media can help connect: Research-based tips from pediatricians for families. Center of Excellence on Social Media and Youth Mental Health. https://www.aap.org/en/patient-care/media-and-children/center-of-excellence-on-social-media-and-youth-mental-health/. Accessed Oct. 3, 2023.
• Health advisory on social media use in adolescence. American Psychological Association. https://www.apa.org/topics/social-media-internet/health-advisory-adolescent-social-media-use. Accessed Oct. 3, 2023.
• Social media and teens. American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry. https://www.aacap.org/AACAP/Families_and_Youth/Facts_for_Families/FFF-Guide/Social-Media-and-Teens-100.aspx. Accessed Oct. 3, 2023.
• Social media and youth mental health: The U.S. surgeon general's advisory. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. https://www.hhs.gov/surgeongeneral/priorities/youth-mental-health/social-media/index.html. Accessed Oct. 3, 2023.
• Teens, social media and technology 2022. Pew Research Center. https://www.pewresearch.org/internet/2022/08/10/teens-social-media-and-technology-2022/. Accessed Oct. 3, 2023.
• Popat A, et al. Exploring adolescents' perspectives on social media and mental health and well-being — A qualitative literature review. Clinical Child Psychology and Psychiatry. 2023; doi:10.1177/13591045221092884.
• Valkenburg PM, et al. Social media use and its impact on adolescent mental health: An umbrella review of the evidence. Current Opinion in Psychology. 2022; doi:10.1016/j.copsyc.2021.08.017.
• Berger MN, et al. Social media use and health and well-being of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer youth: Systematic Review. Journal of Medical Internet Research. 2022; doi:10.2196/38449.
• Self-Harm. Pediatric Patient Education. https://publications.aap.org/patiented. Accessed Oct. 3, 2023.
• Liu M, et al. Time spent on social media and risk of depression in adolescents: A dose-response meta-analysis. 2022; doi:10.3390/ijerph19095164.
• Coyne SM, et al. Does time spent using social media impact mental health? An eight year longitudinal study. Computers in Human Behavior. 2020; doi:10.1016/j.chb.2019.106160.
• Viner RM, et al. Roles of cyberbullying, sleep, and physical activity in mediating the effects of social media use on mental health and wellbeing among young people in England: A secondary analysis of longitudinal data. The Lancet. Child & Adolescent Health. 2019; doi:10.1016/S2352-4642(19)30186-5.
• Riehm KE, et al. Associations between time spent using social media and internalizing and externalizing problems among US youth. JAMA Psychiatry. 2019; doi:10.1001/jamapsychiatry.2019.2325.
• Hoge E, et al. Digital media, anxiety, and depression in children. Pediatrics. 2017; doi:10.1542/peds.2016-1758G.
• How to help kids navigate friendships and peer relationships. American Psychological Association. https://www.apa.org/topics/parenting/navigating-friendships. Accessed Oct. 24, 2023.
• Hoecker JL (expert opinion). Mayo Clinic. Oct. 31, 2023.
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Health Research 4 U

Safe To Play

Social Media and Adolescents’ and Young Adults’ Mental Health

Elina Mir, Andrea Sun, National Center for Health Research

Most adolescents and young adults use social media; 35% report using at least one social media platform “almost constantly,” and 54% say it is difficult to “give up” social media. [1] Not surprisingly, 36% admit to spending excessive time on it, compared to 8% who report spending too little time. [1] Given the widespread usage, this article explores the use of social media use among teens and young adults.

What are the different social media platforms and how are they used?

According to surveys, the most popular social media platforms are YouTube (95%), TikTok (67%), Instagram (62%), Snapchat(59%), and Facebook (32%). [1]

YouTube allows users to share original videos, such as music, cooking, make-up tutorials, and vlogs (video blogs).

TikTok allows users to create 15-to-60-second short-form videos, primarily focused on entertainment and comedy but increasingly used for infotainment purposes. Influencers on TikTok attract a dedicated audience by providing brief advice, tips, and engaging in self-promotion.

Instagram offers a “stories” feature that lasts for 24 hours, in addition to sharing photos and videos that remain on a user’s profile. Unless an Instagram account is set to “private,” anyone can view posted photos and videos. Many people use Instagram as a platform for photo blogging, showcasing videos from vacations, daily life, and sharing interests in art, cooking, and other activities.

Snapchat allows users to share photos that disappear after being viewed, as well as “stories” that vanish after 24 hours. These “stories” enable users to share their experiences through videos or photos with all their followers.

Facebook allows users to share photos, videos, articles, and personal information, as well as chat with friends and more.

All of these social media platforms are used to communicate with friends and are popular sources of news and celebrity updates. an overview of the percentage of U.S. adolescents who have used each social media platform. [1]

The benefits of social media

On the plus side, according to a 2022 survey, 32% of adolescents believe that social media has a mostly positive impact on their lives, compared to 9% who report mostly negative impacts. Most respondents (59%) report “neither positive nor negative”. [2] During adolescence, social connections with peers become increasingly important, and social media provides opportunities for such connections. [3] It can help young people form communities, stay in touch with friends who are not nearby, and provide them with social support. Social media can also serve as a tool for adolescents to mitigate stress, particularly for marginalized youth, such as racial, ethnic, sexual, and gender minorities. For instance, 70% of adolescent girls of color find race-affirming content on social media platforms. The majority of teenagers report feeling more accepted (58%), supported (67%), creative (71%), and connected with friends (80%) with the help of social media content. [3]

Additionally, there is evidence that utilizing social media and other digital platforms for mental health interventions can encourage help-seeking behaviors and act as a gateway to initiating mental health care for children and adolescents. [3]

Can social media increase mental health problems?

Although social media can allow people to reach out and connect with others, it can also make some people feel worse. Almost 25% of adolescents believe that social media has a mostly negative effect. [2]

With 13% of 12-17-year-olds reporting depression and 32% reporting anxiety, mental illness is a concern for adolescent health. [4] It is a concern for young adults as well, since 33.7% of 18-25-year-olds report having some form of mental illness. Depression is particularly increasing among girls. [5] Some researchers have suggested that this increase in mental illness is, at least in part, connected to the rise of social media use among adolescents and young adults. [3]

How might social media harm mental health? Many studies have found an association between time spent on social media as well as the number of social media platforms used, and symptoms of depression and anxiety. [3] Most of these studies indicate that time spent on social media is correlated with depression and anxiety, but that doesn’t necessarily mean that social media causes these problems. It is unclear whether using social media leads to depression and anxiety symptoms, or if people who are already more depressed or more anxious use social media more than their peers do. However, there is research that suggests that social media use might, at least to some degree, lead to these symptoms. For example, in one study from 2020, people who deactivated their Facebook account for a month reported lower depression and anxiety, as well as increases in happiness and life satisfaction. [6] 

Researchers believe that one problem is that social media use can disrupt sleep, and poor sleep can lead to anxiety and depression. [3] Social media use at night disrupts sleep in a number of ways: People stay up late online, the light from the screen can disrupt one’s circadian rhythm, and many people wake up in the night in order to check or respond to messages. Adolescents report that they use social media at night, even when it affects their sleep. They worry that if they do not use their phone at night, they will miss out on potential social interactions online, which they believe would have a negative effect on their in-person social relationships. [3] Also, adolescents report that their peers expect them to be online and available at night. There is a social norm to respond to messages quickly, and they don’t want to violate that norm by sleeping through their messages. Many adolescents report sleeping with their phone and checking it constantly at night.

In fact, teens and young adults often worry about what they call FoMO, which stands for “fear of missing out,” which is anxiety about missing out on experiences. Social media can worsen feelings of FoMO, for example, if someone sees posts about a party that they were not invited to. Adolescents may be particularly vulnerable to potential negative impacts of social media because social connectedness is important for their development. Browsing social media can lead to FoMO, and the feeling of being excluded can lead to negative feelings. [7]

Anxiety and depression are not the only mental health problems associated with social media use. Research on adolescents has found that body image, for girls and boys, is harmed by social media use. [1] Higher social media use leads to “body surveillance,” which refers to monitoring one’s own body and becoming judgmental of it. People who do more body surveillance report feeling more shame about their bodies. Looking at profiles of attractive people leads to more negative body image. There are many “fitspiration” accounts on Instagram, posting about diet and exercise in order to be thin, and it is common for people to filter or photoshop their posts on Instagram in order to remove blemishes. People compare themselves to these ideals or these edited images and feel like they do not measure up. This can cause poor body image. In 2021, leaked documents revealed that researchers at Instagram found that using the app was harmful to teen girls’ and boys’ body image. About 1 out of 3 teen girls felt worse about their bodies due to using the app, and so did 14% of boys. [8]

Certain social media platforms also display real-time instances of self-harming behaviors, such as self-cutting, which can cause substantial bleeding and scarring. Studies indicate conversation around or displaying this content can normalize self-harming actions, including establishing suicide agreements or posting self-harm templates for others to immitate. [1] 

Another harmful aspect of social media is cyberbullying, which is bullying that occurs online. As many as 72% of teens say that they have been cyberbullied at some point. [9] Cyberbullying is more strongly correlated with suicide attempts than face-to-face bullying. [10] Unlike bullying that takes place in person, victims of cyberbullying cannot get away from it, it stays online, and it happens out of sight of teachers and parents.

In addition, social media platforms can serve as a breeding ground for predatory actions and harmful interactions with ill-intentioned individuals who prey on children and teenagers. [1] This includes adults exploiting children sexually, threatening or distributing intimate images for financial extortion, or illicitly selling substances like fentanyl. Adolescent girls and transgender youth are disproportionately affected by online harassment and abuse, leading to feelings of sadness, anxiety, or worry. [1] Almost 60% of adolescent girls report having been approached by strangers on certain social media platforms in ways that made them feel uneasy. [1] 

Social media can adversely impact the critical brain development phase of adolescents aged 10 to 19. [1] Their brain development, particularly susceptible during early adolescence, can be influenced by societal pressures, peer views, and comparisons with others who seem more attractive or popular. Frequent social media use may lead to changes in their brains, especially in areas controlling emotions and impulses, and heighten their sensitivity to social cues. This could make them more emotional and unhappy, notably in girls aged 11 to 13 and boys aged 14 to 15. [1] Therefore, the influence of social media during this vulnerable stage is particularly important and requires further scrutiny.

What can parents do?

Because children are not good at self-regulation and are susceptible to peer pressure, social media sites can be risky places to “hang out.” The Children’s Online Privacy Protection Act prohibits websites from collecting information on children younger than 13 without parental permission. However, age is based on self-report, so children younger than 13 can simply lie about their age and open accounts. The New York Board of Education has a resource guide to help children over the age of 13 use the internet safely and in a healthy manner.

Many parents do not know the popular social media sites and how they work. Many parents’ busy schedules may leave kids unsupervised on the internet, which can lead to problems. Parental supervision is as valuable online as it is offline when it comes to instilling values and safeguards. Several resources are meant to help teach parents about social media sites and how they work. Connect Safely has developed “parent guides” for understanding different social media platforms. Also, Common Sense Media has a list of “red flags” to be on the lookout for when your children are using various social media platforms.

Parents should check in regularly with their children to ensure that their online behavior is appropriate. Although it is tempting to accomplish this through frequent monitoring, that can result in distrust between parent and child. Parents should talk about appropriate media use early and build a relationship of trust surrounding social media. It is also important for adults to model good digital behavior by avoiding social media during family time, setting limits for themselves, discussing social media use with their children, and taking breaks from social media as a family to discuss the challenges and temptations associated with it openly. [11] This way, your teen will be more likely to talk to you when there is a problem.

Be vigilant for signs of problematic social media use in your child, such as disruptions to their daily routines, prioritizing social media over in-person interactions, insufficient sleep and physical activity, persistent desire to use social media, and deceptive behavior. If you suspect any issues, have an open conversation with your child, establish new limits on social media usage, and seek guidance from a mental health professional if needed to ensure healthier engagement with the digital world. [11] Additionally, create a safe environment for your children by regularly checking in with them about their online experiences, reassuring them that they can approach you if they encounter cyberbullying. Safe Teens has developed a website with information about cyberbullying. You can read and discuss this webpage with your children.

Another important conversation to have with your children is about how social media can affect their feelings. As noted earlier in this article, many people get depressed or have poor body image when they start comparing themselves to others and feeling like they do not measure up. When a person compares his or her whole life to the positive “highlight reels” they see other people posting, it probably seems that other people’s lives are better and easier. It is important to remind your children that people on social media are putting their best foot forward, and sometimes they are even posting photos that are edited in order to make themselves look better.

Tips for managing social media use

• Pick a time at night after which you will not check your phone, and if possible, recharge your phone in another room while you sleep.
• Use an alarm clock instead of relying on your phone as an alarm to prevent you from using your phone the minute you wake up.
• Choose one day a week when you take a day off from social media and focus on other things.
• Turn off your notifications for at least a few hours each day (which you can gradually increase); put your phone in “Airplane” mode or “Do Not Disturb”.
• Set boundaries or only certain times when you can check your notifications.
• Take a break from apps that you notice contribute to unhealthy body image or feelings of inadequacy. Instead, you can try apps meant to help you feel better about yourself, such as meditation apps.
• Use apps that block certain other apps and tell you about your usage. This will help to increase your awareness of how much you are engaging with social media and help you focus on other activities.
• Start a habit of placing your phone near the door when you come home — doing it with a friend, partner, or family member can help you stay motivated and accountable! Make a plan with a group of friends to spend more time hanging out in person and less time interacting via social media.
• Consider putting your phone in grayscale. This makes your phone less enticing to look at. With the colorful apps and notifications changed to gray, they may be easier to ignore.
• Reach out for help if you encounter online harassment or abuse. People you trust, such as family members, friends, teachers, or counselors, can help if you experienced any forms of online harassment and abuse. Some sites, such as gov , provide helpful information on reporting instances of cyberbullying.
• Be cautious with sharing information online, as it can be stored permanently and you will be unable to delete it. When in doubt about posting something, it is generally a good idea to refrain from doing so. Consult a family member or trusted adult to seek their opinion on whether you should proceed.

If you are a parent wanting to learn more about how to limit your child or teenager’s social media use, check out these additional tips from the American Academy of Pediatrics.

Ideally, how would you like to spend your time ? Ask yourself: How much time do I want to spend using social media? How can I connect with people I care about in other ways, such as talking on the phone or meeting in person? Learn to balance your social media use and incorporate some of these tips into your life. If you find yourself experiencing anxiety and depression, it is also important to seek treatment. You can use this website in order to find a therapist in your area.

These articles may also provide helpful information:

Suicide Awareness and Prevention

Do Antidepressants Increase Suicide Attempts? Do They Have Other Risks?

Mood Gym: An Online Program for Adolescents to Fight Depression

Self-Injury Is Increasing in Teenage Girls: What Can Parents Do?

All articles are reviewed and approved by Dr. Diana Zuckerman and other senior staff.

The National Center for Health Research is a nonprofit, nonpartisan research, education and advocacy organization that analyzes and explains the latest medical research and speaks out on policies and programs. We do not accept funding from pharmaceutical companies or medical device manufacturers. Find out how you can support us here.

References: 

• Vogels, Emily. Gelles-Wtnick, Risa, and Massarat, Navid. Teens, Social Media and Technology 2022. Pew Research Center. 2022. https://www.pewresearch.org/internet/2022/08/10/teens-social-media-and-technology-2022/ . 2022.
• Vogels, Emily., Gelles-Watnick, Risa. Teens and social media: Key findings from Pew Research Center Surveys. https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2023/04/24/teens-and-social-media-key-findings-from-pew-research-center-surveys/ . 2023.
• S. Surgeon General’s Advisory. Social Media and Youth Mental Health. https://www.hhs.gov/sites/default/files/sg-youth-mental-health-social-media-advisory.pdf. 2023 . 2023.
• S. Department of Health & Human Services. Common Mental Health Disorders in Adolescence. Hhs.gov.  https://www.hhs.gov/ash/oah/adolescent-development/mental-health/adolescent-mental-health-basics/common-disorders/index.html . Updated Jul. 2023.
• National Institute of Mental Health. Mental Illness.  nih.gov .  https://www.nimh.nih.gov/health/statistics/mental-illness.shtml . Updated February 2023.
• Allcott, H., Braghieri, L., Eichmeyer, S., & Gentzkow, M. The welfare effects of social media. American Economic Review, 2020; 110(3), 629-76.
• Barry CT, Sidoti CL, Briggs SM, Reiter SR, Lindsey RA. Adolescent social media use and mental health from adolescent and parent perspectives. Journal of Adolescence. 2017; 61:1-1.
• Breheny Wallace J. Instagram is even worse than we thought for kids. What do we do about it?.The Washington Post. September 17, 2021. https://www.washingtonpost.com/lifestyle/2021/09/17/instagram-teens-parent-advice/
• Selkie EM, Fales JL, Moreno MA. Cyberbullying prevalence among US middle and high school–aged adolescents: A systematic review and quality assessment. Journal of Adolescent Health. 2016; 58(2):125-33.
• Kuehn KS, Wagner A, Velloza J. Estimating the magnitude of the relation between bullying, e-bullying, and suicidal behaviors among United States youth, 2015. Crisis: The Journal of Crisis Intervention and Suicide Prevention. 2018.
• American Psychological Association. Keeping teens safe on social media: What parents should know to protect their kids. https://www.apa.org/topics/social-media-internet/social-media-parent-tips . 2023.

Is social media use bad for young people’s mental health? It’s complicated.

July 17, 2023 – On May 23, U.S. Surgeon General Vivek Murthy issued an advisory warning about the potential dangers of social media for the mental health of children and teens . Laura Marciano , postdoctoral research fellow at the Lee Kum Sheung Center for Health and Happiness and in the  Department of Social and Behavioral Sciences at Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health, says that social media use might be detrimental for young people’s well-being but can also have positive effects.

Q: What are your thoughts on the Surgeon General’s advisory?

A: The advisory highlighted compelling evidence published during the last decade on the potential harmful impact of social media on children and adolescents. Some of what young people experience online—including cyberbullying, online harassment and abuse, predatory behaviors, and exposure to violent, sexual, and hate-based content—can undoubtedly be negative. But social media experiences are not limited to these types of content.

Much of the scientific literature on the effects of social media use has focused on negative outcomes. But the link between social media use and young people’s mental health is complicated. Literature reviews show that study results are mixed: Associations between social media use and well-being can be positive, negative, and even largely null when advanced data analyses are carried out, and the size of the effects is small. And positive and negative effects can co-exist in the same individual. We are still discovering how to compare the effect size of social media use with the effects of other behavioral habits—such as physical activity, sleep, food consumption, life events, and time spent in offline social connections—and psychological processes happening offline. We are also still studying how social media use may be linked positively with well-being.

It’s important to note that many of the existing studies relied on data from people living in so-called WEIRD countries (Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich and Democratic), thus leaving out the majority of the worldwide population living in the Global South. In addition, we know that populations like minorities, people experiencing health disparities and chronic health conditions , and international students can find social media extremely helpful for creating and maintaining social communities to which they feel they belong.

A number of large cohort studies have measured social media use according to time spent on various platforms. But it’s important to consider not just time spent, but whether that time is displacing time for other activities promoting well-being, like physical activity and sleep. Finally, the effects of social media use are idiosyncratic, meaning that each child and adolescent might be affected differently, which makes it difficult to generalize about the effects.

Literature reviews on interventions limiting social media use present a more balanced picture. For example, one comprehensive review on the effects of digital detox—refraining from using devices such as smartphones—wasn’t able to draw any clear conclusions about whether such detox could be effective at promoting a healthy way of life in the digital era, because the findings were mixed and contradictory.

Q: What has your research found regarding the potential risks and benefits of social media use among young people?

A: In my work with Prof. Vish Viswanath , we have summarized all the papers on how social media use is related to positive well-being measures, to balance the ongoing bias of the literature on negative outcomes such as depression and anxiety. We found both positive and negative correlations between different social media activities and well-being. The most consistent results show a link between social media activities and hedonic well-being (positive emotions) and social well-being. We also found that social comparison—such as comparing how many likes you have with how many someone else has, or comparing yourself to digitally enhanced images online—drives the negative correlation with well-being.

Meanwhile, I am working on the “ HappyB ” project, a longitudinal project based in Switzerland, through which I have collected data from more than 1,500 adolescents on their smartphone and social media use and well-being. In a recent study using that cohort, we looked at how social media use affects flourishing , a construct that encompasses happiness, meaning and purpose, physical and mental health, character, close social relationships, and financial stability. We found that certain positive social media experiences are associated with flourishing. In particular, having someone to talk to online when feeling lonely was the item most related to well-being. That is not surprising, considering that happiness is related to the quality of social connections.

Our data suggest that homing in on the psychological processes triggered during social media use is key to determining links with well-being. For example, we should consider if a young person feels appreciated and part of a group in a particular online conversation. Such information can help us shed light on the dynamics that shape young people’s well-being through digital activities.

In our research, we work to account for the fact that social media time is a sedentary behavior. We need to consider that any behavior that risks diminishing the time spent on physical activity and sleep—crucial components of brain development and well-being—might be detrimental. Interestingly, some studies suggest that spending a short amount of time using social media, around 1-2 hours, is beneficial, but—as with any extreme behavior—it can cause harm if the time spent online dominates a child’s or adolescent’s day.

It’s also important to consider how long the effects of social media last. Social media use may have small ephemeral effects that can accumulate over time. A step for future research is to disentangle short- versus long-term effects and how long each last. In addition, we should better understand how digital media usage affects the adolescent brain. Colleagues and I have summarized existing neuroscientific studies on the topic, but more multidisciplinary research is needed.

Q: What are some steps you’d recommend to make social media use safer for kids?

A: I’ll use a metaphor to answer this question. Is a car safe for someone that is not able to drive? To drive safely, we need to learn how to accelerate, recognize road signs, make safe decisions according to certain rules, and wear safety belts. Similarly, to use social media safely, I think we as a society—including schools, educators, and health providers—should provide children and families with clear, science-based information on both its positive and negative potential impacts.

We can also ask social media companies to pay more attention to how some features—such as the number of “likes”—can modulate adolescent brain activity, and to think about ways to limit negative effects. We might even ask adolescents to advise designers on how to create social media platforms specifically for them. It would be extremely valuable to ask them which features would be best for them and which ones they would like to avoid. I think that co-designing apps and conducting research with the young people who use the platforms is a crucial step.

For parents, my suggestion is to communicate with your children and promote a climate of safety and empathy when it comes to social media use. Try to use these platforms along with them, for example by explaining how a platform works and commenting on the content. Also, I would encourage schools and parents to collaborate on sharing information with young people about social media and well-being.

Also, to offset children’s sedentary time spent on social media, parents could offer them alternative extracurricular activities to provide some balance. But it’s important to remember that social well-being depends on the quality of social connections, and that social media can help to promote this kind of well-being. So I’d recommend trying to keep what is good—according to my research that would include instant messaging, the chance to talk to people when someone is feeling lonely, and funny or inspirational content—and minimizing what’s negative, such as too much sedentary time or too much time spent on social comparison.

– Karen Feldscher

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Connection, Creativity and Drama: Teen Life on Social Media in 2022

Majorities of teens credit social media with strengthening their friendships and providing support while also noting the emotionally charged side of these platforms, table of contents.

• Teens reflect on parents’ concerns and assessments of teen life on social media
• Teens who have a more positive outlook about social media are more likely to say these platforms benefit them
• Online activism is not common on social media among teens; only a minority of teens are highly concerned about digital privacy
• In their own words, teens share their thoughts about social media and the challenges and benefits of using it
• Teens are far more likely to post about their accomplishments and family than their religious or political beliefs
• Some teens – especially older girls – forego posting things on social media because it could be used to embarrass them
• Most teens are not politically active on social media, but their experiences and views related to online activism vary across parties
• Teens more likely to view social media as having a negative effect on others than themselves
• Teen girls more likely than teen boys to cite certain negative experiences on social media
• Pluralities of teens say teen experiences on social media are better than parents think and believe their parents aren’t too worried about their use
• Majority of teens feel little to no control over their data being collected by social media, but just a fifth are extremely or very concerned about it
• Teens’ reactions to what they see on social media and how they feel about posting run the emotional gamut from anxiety to excitement
• Teens have appreciation for social connectivity on these platforms but also concerns about drama, unrealistic expectations and bullies
• Different social media serve different purposes for teens like general socializing, entertainment and direct personal communication
• Teens acknowledge the tensions of ‘cancel culture’ on social media
• Teens have a range of definitions for digital privacy
• Activism is a draw for some teens on social media
• Some teens say their use of social media changed during the pandemic
• Teens detail how their lives would change if social media disappeared overnight
• Acknowledgments
• Appendix A: Survey methodology
• Appendix B: Focus groups methodology
• Appendix C: Supplementary table

Pew Research Center conducted this study to better understand the experiences American teens are having with social media. For this analysis, we surveyed 1,316 U.S. teens. The survey was conducted online by Ipsos from April 14 to May 4, 2022.

This research was reviewed and approved by an external institutional review board (IRB), Advarra, which is an independent committee of experts that specializes in helping to protect the rights of research participants.

Ipsos recruited the teens via their parents who were a part of its  KnowledgePanel , a probability-based web panel recruited primarily through national, random sampling of residential addresses. The survey is weighted to be representative of U.S. teens ages 13 to 17 who live with parents by age, gender, race, ethnicity, household income and other categories.

This report also includes quotes from teen focus groups. Pew Research Center worked with PSB Insights to conduct four live, online focus groups with a total of 16 U.S. 13- to 17-year-olds. The focus groups were conducted Jan. 12-13, 2022. 

Here are the questions used for this report , along with responses. Here is the survey methodology and the focus groups methodology .

Society has long fretted about technology’s impact on youth. But unlike radio and television, the hyperconnected nature of social media has led to new anxieties , including worries that these platforms may be negatively impacting teenagers’ mental health . Just this year, the White House announced plans to combat potential harms teens may face when using social media.

Despite these concerns, teens themselves paint a more nuanced picture of adolescent life on social media. It is one in which majorities credit these platforms with deepening connections and providing a support network when they need it, while smaller – though notable – shares acknowledge the drama and pressures that can come along with using social media, according to a Pew Research Center survey of U.S. teens ages 13 to 17 conducted April 14 to May 4, 2022. 1

Eight-in-ten teens say that what they see on social media makes them feel more connected to what’s going on in their friends’ lives, while 71% say it makes them feel like they have a place where they can show their creative side. And 67% say these platforms make them feel as if they have people who can support them through tough times. A smaller share – though still a majority – say the same for feeling more accepted. These positive sentiments are expressed by teens across demographic groups.

When asked about the overall impact of social media on them personally, more teens say its effect has been mostly positive (32%) than say it has been mostly negative (9%). The largest share describes its impact in neutral terms: 59% believe social media has had neither a positive nor a negative effect on them. For teens who view social media’s effect on them as mostly positive, many describe maintaining friendships, building connections, or accessing information as main reasons they feel this way, with one teen saying:

“It connects me with the world, provides an outlet to learn things I otherwise wouldn’t have access to, and allows me to discover and explore interests.” – Teen girl

While these youth describe the benefits they get from social media, this positivity is not unanimous. Indeed, 38% of teens say they feel overwhelmed by all the drama they see on social media, while about three-in-ten say these platforms have made them feel like their friends are leaving them out of things (31%) or have felt pressure to post content that will get lots of likes or comments (29%). Another 23% say these platforms make them feel worse about their own life.

Teen girls report encountering some of these pressures at higher rates. Some 45% of girls say they feel overwhelmed because of all the drama on social media, compared with 32% of boys. Girls are also more likely than boys to say social media has made them feel like their friends are leaving them out of things (37% vs. 24%) or worse about their own lives (28% vs. 18%).

When asked how often they decide not to post on social media out of fear of it being using against them, older teen girls stand out. For example, half of 15- to 17-year-old girls say they often or sometimes decide not to post something on social media because they worry others might use it to embarrass them, compared with smaller shares of younger girls or boys.

These are some of the key findings from a Pew Research Center online survey of 1,316 U.S. teens conducted from April 14 to May 4, 2022.

Teens are more likely to view social media as having a negative effect on others than themselves

The strong presence of social media in many teenagers’ lives begs the question: What impact, if any, are these sites having on today’s youth?

Even as teens tend to view the impact of social media on their own lives in more positive than negative terms, they are more critical of its influence on their peers. While 9% of teens think social media has had a mostly negative effect on them personally, that share rises to 32% when the same question is framed about people their age .

There are also gaps when looking at the positive side of these platforms. Some 32% of teens say social media has had a positive effect on them personally, compared with a smaller share (24%) who say the same about these platforms’ impact on teens more broadly.

Still, regardless of whether teens are assessing social media’s impact on themselves or others, the most common way they describe its effect is as neither positive nor negative.

Parents are often on the front lines in navigating challenges their children may face when using social media. While previous Center surveys reflect parents’ anxieties about social media, only a minority of teens in this survey describe their parents as being highly concerned about their use of these sites.

Some 22% believe their parents are extremely or very worried about them using social media, while another 27% say their parents are somewhat worried. However, many teens – 41% – say their parents are worried only a little or not at all. And 9% say they aren’t sure about the level of concern their parents have over their social media use. These youth also weighed in on whether parents overall – not just their own – have an accurate picture of what it’s like to be a teenager on social media. Some 39% say teens’ experiences are better than parents think, while 27% say things on social media are worse for teens than parents think. Still, one-third believe parents’ assessments are about right.

Teens who see social media as having a mostly positive effect on people their age are more likely than teens who see mostly negative effects to say teens’ experiences on social media are better than parents think. They are also more likely to say they have had positive experiences while personally using these platforms.

Whether teens see social media’s effects as positive or negative relates to their perspective on whether parents’ views stack up to reality. About six-in-ten teens who say that social media has had a mostly positive effect on people their age say teens’ experiences on social media are better than parents think, while a plurality of teens who say social media has been mostly negative for people their age say teens’ experiences on social media are worse than parents think.

Teens who have a more positive view of social media’s effect on their peers report more positive personal experiences with these platforms. More than half (54%) of teens who see social media as having a mostly positive effect on people their age say that what they see on social media makes them feel a lot more connected to what’s going on in their friends’ lives. About four-in-ten say they feel a lot like they have a place where they can show their creative side. Some 35% of teens who see the effect as mostly positive say social media makes them feel a lot like they have people who can support them through tough times, and 28% say it makes them feel a lot more accepted. By comparison, much smaller shares – about or quarter or fewer – of teens who see social media as having a negative effect say what they see on social media makes them feel each of these positive experiences a lot.

While teens who have a positive outlook on the impact of social media are more likely to report personally benefiting from these sites, they tend to say they’ve experienced the more negative side in similar proportions as those who rate these sites’ effect on teens negatively. There is one exception: 12% of teens who believe social media has a mostly negative effect on teens say they feel overwhelmed by all of the drama on these platforms a lot, compared with 6% of those who see its impact as mostly positive.

Beyond broad measurement of social media, this survey also tackled two popular topics in the debates around social media: online activism and digital privacy .

Only small shares of teens are engaging in online activism on social media, but experiences and views vary by political affiliation

On topics from MAGA to Black Lives Matter , social media platforms have become an important way for people of all ages to share information, mobilize and discuss issues that are important to them.

But this survey reveals that only a minority of teens say they have been civically active on social media in the past year via one of the three means asked about at the time of the survey. One-in-ten teens say they have encouraged others to take action on political or social issues that are important to them or have posted a picture to show their support for a political or social issue in the past 12 months. Some 7% say the same about using hashtags related to a political or social cause on social media during this period. Taken together, 15% of teens have engaged in at least one of these activities on social media in the past 12 months.

While majorities of both Democrats and Republicans have not used social media in this way, there are some notable partisan differences among those who engage in activism. For example, 14% of teens who identify as Democrats or who lean toward the Democratic Party say they have used social media to encourage others to take action on political or social issues that are important to them in the past 12 months, compared with 6% of teens who are Republicans or GOP leaners. And larger shares of Democrats than Republicans say they have posted pictures or used hashtags to show support for a political or social issue in the past year. In total, Democratic teens are twice as likely as Republican teens to have engaged in any of these activities during this time (20% vs. 10%).

Not only do small shares of teens participate in these types of activities on social media, relatively few say these platforms play a critical role in how they interact with political and social issues.

About one-in-ten or fewer teens say social media is extremely or very important to them personally when it comes to exposing them to new viewpoints, getting involved with issues that are important to them, finding other people who share their views, helping them figure out their own views on an issue or giving them a venue to express their political opinions.

Just as Democratic teens are more likely than Republican teens to engage in these forms of online activism, they also see social media as a more integral tool for civic engagement. For example, 18% of Democratic teens say social media is extremely or very important to them when it comes to exposing them to new points of view, compared with 8% of Republican teens. Democrats are also more likely than Republicans to say these platforms are at least very important to them for getting involved with issues that are important to them, finding others who share their views or helping them figure out their own way of thinking.

And when asked about what people should do more broadly, Democratic teens (22%) are more likely than Republican teens (12%) to say that regardless of whether they engage in online activism themselves, it is very or extremely important for people to speak out about political or social issues on social media.

Teens feel a lack of control over their personal data but aren’t too concerned about social media companies having this information

Amid the continued privacy discussions in the media and among policymakers , teens have nuanced views on the topic. Just 14% of teens report feeling a lot of control over the personal information that social media companies collect about them. Meanwhile, 60% of teens feel like they have little to no control. A further 26% say they are not sure how much control they have over companies’ collection of this information.

Despite feeling a lack of control over their data being collected by social media companies, teens are largely unconcerned. A fifth of teens (20%) say they feel very or extremely concerned about the amount of their personal information social media companies might have. Still, a notable segment of teens – 44% – say they have little or no concern about how much these companies might know about them.

“TikTok is more of a place to watch videos … then Instagram [is] more to see what my friends are up to and then Snapchat [is] a way of more direct communication.” – Teen girl

To inform and supplement this survey, the Center conducted a series of teen focus groups to better understand how teens were using social media and thinking about topics related to it. These focus groups highlight how nuanced teens’ views on social media truly are.

Teens share how different platforms serve different purposes as they navigate online life and that using these platforms can lead to a variety of emotions and experiences, from anxiety to excitement and from improved social connections to bullying: 2

“I’ve liked, especially during the pandemic, being able to communicate with my friends more, since I couldn’t see them in person. And then also, having something to watch to entertain me, which was good, because we were just stuck at home.” – Teen girl

“Okay, for me, it is like bullies or like negative comments or stuff like that, you just see a lot of people hating under the comments, under your posts and stuff like that.” – Teen boy

“During the pandemic, I feel like less people were using social media in certain ways, because there wasn’t much to post, like going out. You’re just staying at home. But TikTok, everyone was on it, because it was their source of entertainment.” – Teen girl

As teens walk us through their perspectives, they also share how the pandemic changed (and didn’t change) their social media habits and what they think their lives would be like if social media disappeared overnight:

“I think it would be a little bit [messed up if social media disappeared]. I spend 99% of my time indoors in front of my computer, if I’m not playing games, I’m watching pirated videos. If I’m not watching videos, maybe I’m reading an article. I’m always online. And I hardly step out of my room. I have had issues with my dad. He said my room is too creepy. I should come outside and play with people but I’m not really good at making friends. So, it’s a bit hard on me.” – Teen boy

“[When] we were younger, [social media] didn’t have an effect on us and social media wasn’t as big as it is now. I feel like we were more free and more happy, and no stress or overthinking or insecure.” – Teen girl

For more quotes and themes from the focus groups, see Chapter 3 .

• A 2018 Center survey also asked U.S teens some of the same questions about experiences and views related to social media (e.g., whether social media makes them feel more connected to what’s going on in their friend’s lives). Direct comparisons cannot be made across the two surveys due to mode, sampling and recruitment differences. Please read the Methodology section to learn more about how the current survey was conducted. ↩
• Quotations in this report may have been lightly edited for grammar, spelling and clarity. ↩

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• Published: 01 July 2020

The effect of social media on well-being differs from adolescent to adolescent

• Ine Beyens   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-7023-867X 1 ,
• J. Loes Pouwels   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-9586-392X 1 ,
• Irene I. van Driel   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-7810-9677 1 ,
• Loes Keijsers   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-8580-6000 2 &
• Patti M. Valkenburg   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-0477-8429 1  

Scientific Reports volume  10 , Article number:  10763 ( 2020 ) Cite this article

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• Human behaviour

The question whether social media use benefits or undermines adolescents’ well-being is an important societal concern. Previous empirical studies have mostly established across-the-board effects among (sub)populations of adolescents. As a result, it is still an open question whether the effects are unique for each individual adolescent. We sampled adolescents’ experiences six times per day for one week to quantify differences in their susceptibility to the effects of social media on their momentary affective well-being. Rigorous analyses of 2,155 real-time assessments showed that the association between social media use and affective well-being differs strongly across adolescents: While 44% did not feel better or worse after passive social media use, 46% felt better, and 10% felt worse. Our results imply that person-specific effects can no longer be ignored in research, as well as in prevention and intervention programs.

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Introduction.

Ever since the introduction of social media, such as Facebook and Instagram, researchers have been studying whether the use of such media may affect adolescents’ well-being. These studies have typically reported mixed findings, yielding either small negative, small positive, or no effects of the time spent using social media on different indicators of well-being, such as life satisfaction and depressive symptoms (for recent reviews, see for example 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 ). Most of these studies have focused on between-person associations, examining whether adolescents who use social media more (or less) often than their peers experience lower (or higher) levels of well-being than these peers. While such between-person studies are valuable in their own right, several scholars 6 , 7 have recently called for studies that investigate within-person associations to understand whether an increase in an adolescent’s social media use is associated with an increase or decrease in that adolescent’s well-being. The current study aims to respond to this call by investigating associations between social media use and well-being within single adolescents across multiple points in time 8 , 9 , 10 .

Person-specific effects

To our knowledge, four recent studies have investigated within-person associations of social media use with different indicators of adolescent well-being (i.e., life satisfaction, depression), again with mixed results 6 , 11 , 12 , 13 . Orben and colleagues 6 found a small negative reciprocal within-person association between the time spent using social media and life satisfaction. Likewise, Boers and colleagues 12 found a small within-person association between social media use and increased depressive symptoms. Finally, Coyne and colleagues 11 and Jensen and colleagues 13 did not find any evidence for within-person associations between social media use and depression.

Earlier studies that investigated within-person associations of social media use with indicators of well-being have all only reported average effect sizes. However, it is possible, or even plausible, that these average within-person effects may have been small and nonsignificant because they result from sizeable heterogeneity in adolescents’ susceptibility to the effects of social media use on well-being (see 14 , 15 ). After all, an average within-person effect size can be considered an aggregate of numerous individual within-person effect sizes that range from highly positive to highly negative.

Some within-person studies have sought to understand adolescents’ differential susceptibility to the effects of social media by investigating differences between subgroups. For instance, they have investigated the moderating role of sex to compare the effects of social media on boys versus girls 6 , 11 . However, such a group-differential approach, in which potential differences in susceptibility are conceptualized by group-level moderators (e.g., gender, age) does not provide insights into more fine-grained differences at the level of the single individual 16 . After all, while girls and boys each represent a homogenous group in terms of sex, they may each differ on a wide array of other factors.

As such, although worthwhile, the average within-person effects of social media on well-being obtained in previous studies may have been small or non-significant because they are diluted across a highly heterogeneous population (or sub-population) of adolescents 14 , 15 . In line with the proposition of media effects theories that each adolescent may have a unique susceptibility to the effects of social media 17 , a viable explanation for the small and inconsistent findings in earlier studies may be that the effect of social media differs from adolescent to adolescent. The aim of the current study is to investigate this hypothesis and to obtain a better understanding of adolescents’ unique susceptibility to the effects of social media on their affective well-being.

Social media and affective well-being

Within-person studies have provided important insights into the associations of social media use with cognitive well-being (e.g., life satisfaction 6 ), which refers to adolescents’ cognitive judgment of how satisfied they are with their life 18 . However, the associations of social media use with adolescents’ affective well-being (i.e., adolescents’ affective evaluations of their moods and emotions 18 ) are still unknown. In addition, while earlier within-person studies have focused on associations with trait-like conceptualizations of well-being 11 , 12 , 13 , that is, adolescents’ average well-being across specific time periods 18 , there is a lack of studies that focus on well-being as a momentary affective state. Therefore, we extend previous research by examining the association between adolescents’ social media use and their momentary affective well-being. Like earlier experience sampling (ESM) studies among adults 19 , 20 , we measured adolescents’ momentary affective well-being with a single item. Adolescents’ momentary affective well-being was defined as their current feelings of happiness, a commonly used question to measure well-being 21 , 22 , which has high convergent validity, as evidenced by the strong correlations with the presence of positive affect and absence of negative affect.

To assess adolescents’ momentary affective well-being (henceforth referred to as well-being), we conducted a week-long ESM study among 63 middle adolescents ages 14 and 15. Six times a day, adolescents were asked to complete a survey using their own mobile phone, covering 42 assessments per adolescent, assessing their affective well-being and social media use. In total, adolescents completed 2,155 assessments (83.2% average compliance).

We focused on middle adolescence, since this is the period in life characterized by most significant fluctuations in well-being 23 , 24 . Also, in comparison to early and late adolescents, middle adolescents are more sensitive to reactions from peers and have a strong tendency to compare themselves with others on social media and beyond. Because middle adolescents typically use different social media platforms, in a complementary way 25 , 26 , 27 , each adolescent reported on his/her use of the three social media platforms that s/he used most frequently out of the five most popular social media platforms among adolescents: WhatsApp, followed by Instagram, Snapchat, YouTube, and, finally, the chat function of games 28 . In addition to investigating the association between overall social media use and well-being (i.e., the summed use of adolescents’ three most frequently used platforms), we examined the unique associations of the two most popular platforms, WhatsApp and Instagram 28 .

Like previous studies on social media use and well-being, we distinguished between active social media use (i.e., “activities that facilitate direct exchanges with others” 29 ) and passive social media use (i.e., “consuming information without direct exchanges” 29 ). Within-person studies among young adults have shown that passive but not active social media use predicts decreases in well-being 29 . Therefore, we examined the unique associations of adolescents’ overall active and passive social media use with their well-being, as well as active and passive use of Instagram and WhatsApp, specifically. We investigated categorical associations, that is, whether adolescents would feel better or worse if they had actively or passively used social media. And we investigated dose–response associations to understand whether adolescents’ well-being would change as a function of the time they had spent actively or passively using social media.

The hypotheses and the design, sampling and analysis plan were preregistered prior to data collection and are available on the Open Science Framework, along with the code used in the analyses ( https://osf.io/nhks2 ). For details about the design of the study and analysis approach, see Methods.

In more than half of all assessments (68.17%), adolescents had used social media (i.e., one or more of their three favorite social media platforms), either in an active or passive way. Instagram (50.90%) and WhatsApp (53.52%) were used in half of all assessments. Passive use of social media (66.21% of all assessments) was more common than active use (50.86%), both on Instagram (48.48% vs. 20.79%) and WhatsApp (51.25% vs. 40.07%).

Strong positive between-person correlations were found between the duration of active and passive social media use (overall: r  = 0.69, p  < 0.001; Instagram: r  = 0.38, p  < 0.01; WhatsApp: r  = 0.85, p  < 0.001): Adolescents who had spent more time actively using social media than their peers, had also spent more time passively using social media than their peers. Likewise, strong positive within-person correlations were found between the duration of active and passive social media use (overall: r  = 0.63, p  < 0.001; Instagram: r  = 0.37, p  < 0.001; WhatsApp: r  = 0.57, p  < 0.001): The more time an adolescent had spent actively using social media at a certain moment, the more time s/he had also spent passively using social media at that moment.

Table 1 displays the average number of minutes that adolescents had spent using social media in the past hour at each assessment, and the zero-order between- and within-person correlations between the duration of social media use and well-being. At the between-person level, the duration of active and passive social media use was not associated with well-being: Adolescents who had spent more time actively or passively using social media than their peers did not report significantly higher or lower levels of well-being than their peers. At the within-person level, significant but weak positive correlations were found between the duration of active and passive overall social media use and well-being. This indicates that adolescents felt somewhat better at moments when they had spent more time actively or passively using social media (overall), compared to moments when they had spent less time actively or passively using social media. When looking at specific platforms, a positive correlation was only found for passive WhatsApp use, but not for active WhatsApp use, and not for active and passive Instagram use.

Average and person-specific effects

The within-person associations of social media use with well-being and differences in these associations were tested in a series of multilevel models. We ran separate models for overall social media use (i.e., active use and passive use of adolescents’ three favorite social media platforms, see Table 2 ), Instagram use (see Table 3 ), and WhatsApp use (see Table 4 ). In a first step we examined the average categorical associations for each of these three social media uses using fixed effects models (Models 1A, 3A, and 5A) to investigate whether, on average, adolescents would feel better or worse at moments when they had used social media compared to moments when they had not (i.e., categorical predictors: active use versus no active use, and passive use versus no passive use). In a second step, we examined heterogeneity in the within-person categorical associations by adding random slopes to the fixed effects models (Models 1B, 3B, and 5B). Next, we examined the average dose–response associations using fixed effects models (Models 2A, 4A, and 6A), to investigate whether, on average, adolescents would feel better or worse when they had spent more time using social media (i.e., continuous predictors: duration of active use and duration of passive use). Finally, we examined heterogeneity in the within-person dose–response associations by adding random slopes to the fixed effects models (Models 2B, 4B, and 6B).

Overall social media use.

The model with the categorical predictors (see Table 2 ; Model 1A) showed that, on average, there was no association between overall use and well-being: Adolescents’ well-being did not increase or decrease at moments when they had used social media, either in a passive or active way. However, evidence was found that the association of passive (but not active) social media use with well-being differed from adolescent to adolescent (Model 1B), with effect sizes ranging from − 0.24 to 0.68. For 44.26% of the adolescents the association was non-existent to small (− 0.10 <  r  < 0.10). However, for 45.90% of the adolescents there was a weak (0.10 <  r  < 0.20; 8.20%), moderate (0.20 <  r  < 0.30; 22.95%) or even strong positive ( r  ≥ 0.30; 14.75%) association between overall passive social media use and well-being, and for almost one in ten (9.84%) adolescents there was a weak (− 0.20 <  r  < − 0.10; 6.56%) or moderate negative (− 0.30 <  r  < − 0.20; 3.28%) association.

The model with continuous predictors (Model 2A) showed that, on average, there was a significant dose–response association for active use. At moments when adolescents had used social media, the time they spent actively (but not passively) using social media was positively associated with well-being: Adolescents felt better at moments when they had spent more time sending messages, posting, or sharing something on social media. The associations of the time spent actively and passively using social media with well-being did not differ across adolescents (Model 2B).

Instagram use

As shown in Model 3A in Table 3 , on average, there was a significant categorical association between passive (but not active) Instagram use and well-being: Adolescents experienced an increase in well-being at moments when they had passively used Instagram (i.e., viewing posts/stories of others). Adolescents did not experience an increase or decrease in well-being when they had actively used Instagram. The associations of passive and active Instagram use with well-being did not differ across adolescents (Model 3B).

On average, no significant dose–response association was found for Instagram use (Model 4A): At moments when adolescents had used Instagram, the time adolescents spent using Instagram (either actively or passively) was not associated with their well-being. However, evidence was found that the association of the time spent passively using Instagram differed from adolescent to adolescent (Model 4B), with effect sizes ranging from − 0.48 to 0.27. For most adolescents (73.91%) the association was non-existent to small (− 0.10 <  r  < 0.10), but for almost one in five adolescents (17.39%) there was a weak (0.10 <  r  < 0.20; 10.87%) or moderate (0.20 <  r  < 0.30; 6.52%) positive association, and for almost one in ten adolescents (8.70%) there was a weak (− 0.20 <  r  < − 0.10; 2.17%), moderate (− 0.30 <  r  < − 0.20; 4.35%), or strong ( r  ≤ − 0.30; 2.17%) negative association. Figure  1 illustrates these differences in the dose–response associations.

The dose–response association between passive Instagram use (in minutes per hour) and affective well-being for each individual adolescent (n = 46). Red lines represent significant negative within-person associations, green lines represent significant positive within-person associations, and gray lines represent non-significant within-person associations. A graph was created for each participant who had completed at least 10 assessments. A total of 13 participants were excluded because they had completed less than 10 assessments of passive Instagram use. In addition, one participant was excluded because no graph could be computed, since this participant's passive Instagram use was constant across assessments.

WhatsApp use

As shown in Model 5A in Table 4 , just as for Instagram, we found that, on average, there was a significant categorical association between passive (but not active) WhatsApp use and well-being: Adolescents reported that they felt better at moments when they had passively used WhatsApp (i.e., read WhatsApp messages). For active WhatsApp use, no significant association was found. Also, in line with the results for Instagram use, no differences were found regarding the associations of active and passive WhatsApp use (Model 5B).

In addition, a significant dose–response association was found for passive (but not active) use (Model 6A). At moments when adolescents had used WhatsApp, we found that, on average, the time adolescents spent passively using WhatsApp was positively associated with well-being: Adolescents felt better at moments when they had spent more time reading WhatsApp messages. The time spent actively using WhatsApp was not associated with well-being. No differences were found in the dose–response associations of active and passive WhatsApp use (Model 6B).

This preregistered study investigated adolescents’ unique susceptibility to the effects of social media. We found that the associations of passive (but not active) social media use with well-being differed substantially from adolescent to adolescent, with effect sizes ranging from moderately negative (− 0.24) to strongly positive (0.68). While 44.26% of adolescents did not feel better or worse if they had passively used social media, 45.90% felt better, and a small group felt worse (9.84%). In addition, for Instagram the majority of adolescents (73.91%) did not feel better or worse when they had spent more time viewing post or stories of others, whereas some felt better (17.39%), and others (8.70%) felt worse.

These findings have important implications for social media effects research, and media effects research more generally. For decades, researchers have argued that people differ in their susceptibility to the effects of media 17 , leading to numerous investigations of such differential susceptibility. These investigations have typically focused on moderators, based on variables such as sex, age, or personality. Yet, over the years, studies have shown that such moderators appear to have little power to explain how individuals differ in their susceptibility to media effects, probably because a group-differential approach does not account for the possibility that media users may differ across a range of factors, that are not captured by only one (or a few) investigated moderator variables.

By providing insights into each individual’s unique susceptibility, the findings of this study provide an explanation as to why, up until now, most media effects research has only found small effects. We found that the majority of adolescents do not experience any short-term changes in well-being related to their social media use. And if they do experience any changes, these are more often positive than negative. Because only small subsets of adolescents experience small to moderate changes in well-being, the true effects of social media reported in previous studies have probably been diluted across heterogeneous samples of individuals that differ in their susceptibility to media effects (also see 30 ). Several scholars have noted that overall effect sizes may mask more subtle individual differences 14 , 15 , which may explain why previous studies have typically reported small or no effects of social media on well-being or indicators of well-being 6 , 11 , 12 , 13 . The current study seems to confirm this assumption, by showing that while the overall effect sizes are small at best, the person-specific effect sizes vary considerably, from tiny and small to moderate and strong.

As called upon by other scholars 5 , 31 , we disentangled the associations of active and passive use of social media. Research among young adults found that passive (but not active) social media use is associated with lower levels of affective well-being 29 . In line with these findings, the current study shows that active and passive use yielded different associations with adolescents’ affective well-being. Interestingly though, in contrast to previous findings among adults, our study showed that, on average, passive use of Instagram and WhatsApp seemed to enhance rather than decrease adolescents’ well-being. This discrepancy in findings may be attributed to the fact that different mechanisms might be involved. Verduyn and colleagues 29 found that passive use of Facebook undermines adults’ well-being by enhancing envy, which may also explain the decreases in well-being found in our study among a small group of adolescents. Yet, adolescents who felt better by passively using Instagram and WhatsApp, might have felt so because they experienced enjoyment. After all, adolescents often seek positive content on social media, such as humorous posts or memes 32 . Also, research has shown that adolescents mainly receive positive feedback on social media 33 . Hence, their passive Instagram and WhatsApp use may involve the reading of positive feedback, which may explain the increases in well-being.

Overall, the time spent passively using WhatsApp improved adolescents’ well-being. This did not differ from adolescent to adolescent. However, the associations of the time spent passively using Instagram with well-being did differ from adolescent to adolescent. This discrepancy suggests that not all social media uses yield person-specific effects on well-being. A possible explanation may be that adolescents’ responses to WhatsApp are more homogenous than those to Instagram. WhatsApp is a more private platform, which is mostly used for one-to-one communication with friends and acquaintances 26 . Instagram, in contrast, is a more public platform, which allows its users to follow a diverse set of people, ranging from best friends to singers, actors, and influencers 28 , and to engage in intimate communication as well as self-presentation and social comparison. Such diverse uses could lead to more varied, or even opposing responses, such as envy versus inspiration.

Limitations and directions for future research

The current study extends our understanding of differential susceptibility to media effects, by revealing that the effect of social media use on well-being differs from adolescent to adolescent. The findings confirm our assumption that among the great majority of adolescents, social media use is unrelated to well-being, but that among a small subset, social media use is either related to decreases or increases in well-being. It must be noted, however, that participants in this study felt relatively happy, overall. Studies with more vulnerable samples, consisting of clinical samples or youth with lower social-emotional well-being may elicit different patterns of effects 27 . Also, the current study focused on affective well-being, operationalized as happiness. It is plausible that social media use relates differently with other types of well-being, such as cognitive well-being. An important next step is to identify which adolescents are particularly susceptible to experience declines in well-being. It is conceivable, for instance, that the few adolescents who feel worse when they use social media are the ones who receive negative feedback on social media 33 .

In addition, future ESM studies into the effects of social media should attempt to include one or more follow-up measures to improve our knowledge of the longer-term influence of social media use on affective well-being. While a week-long ESM is very common and applied in most earlier ESM studies 34 , a week is only a snapshot of adolescent development. Research is needed that investigates whether the associations of social media use with adolescents’ momentary affective well-being may cumulate into long-lasting consequences. Such investigations could help clarify whether adolescents who feel bad in the short term would experience more negative consequences in the long term, and whether adolescents who feel better would be more resistant to developing long-term negative consequences. And while most adolescents do not seem to experience any short-term increases or decreases in well-being, more research is needed to investigate whether these adolescents may experience a longer-term impact of social media.

While the use of different platforms may be differently associated with well-being, different types of use may also yield different effects. Although the current study distinguished between active and passive use of social media, future research should further differentiate between different activities. For instance, because passive use entails many different activities, from reading private messages (e.g., WhatsApp messages, direct messages on Instagram) to browsing a public feed (e.g., scrolling through posts on Instagram), research is needed that explores the unique effects of passive public use and passive private use. Research that seeks to explore the nuances in adolescents’ susceptibility as well as the nuances in their social media use may truly improve our understanding of the effects of social media use.

Participants

Participants were recruited via a secondary school in the south of the Netherlands. Our preregistered sampling plan set a target sample size of 100 adolescents. We invited adolescents from six classrooms to participate in the study. The final sample consisted of 63 adolescents (i.e., 42% consent rate, which is comparable to other ESM studies among adolescents; see, for instance 35 , 36 ). Informed consent was obtained from all participants and their parents. On average, participants were 15 years old ( M  = 15.12 years, SD  = 0.51) and 54% were girls. All participants self-identified as Dutch, and 41.3% were enrolled in the prevocational secondary education track, 25.4% in the intermediate general secondary education track, and 33.3% in the academic preparatory education track.

The study was approved by the Ethics Review Board of the Faculty of Social and Behavioral Sciences at the University of Amsterdam and was performed in accordance with the guidelines formulated by the Ethics Review Board. The study consisted of two phases: A baseline survey and a personalized week-long experience sampling (ESM) study. In phase 1, researchers visited the school during school hours. Researchers informed the participants of the objective and procedure of the study and assured them that their responses would be treated confidentially. Participants were asked to sign the consent form. Next, participants completed a 15-min baseline survey. The baseline survey included questions about demographics and assessed which social media each adolescent used most frequently, allowing to personalize the social media questions presented during the ESM study in phase 2. After completing the baseline survey, participants were provided detailed instructions about phase 2.

In phase 2, which took place two and a half weeks after the baseline survey, a 7-day ESM study was conducted, following the guidelines for ESM studies provided by van Roekel and colleagues 34 . Aiming for at least 30 assessments per participant and based on an average compliance rate of 70 to 80% reported in earlier ESM studies among adolescents 34 , we asked each participant to complete a total of 42 ESM surveys (i.e., six 2-min surveys per day). Participants completed the surveys using their own mobile phone, on which the ESM software application Ethica Data was installed during the instruction session with the researchers (phase 1). Each 2-min survey consisted of 22 questions, which assessed adolescents’ well-being and social media use. Two open-ended questions were added to the final survey of the day, which asked about adolescents’ most pleasant and most unpleasant events of the day.

The ESM sampling scheme was semi-random, to allow for randomization and avoid structural patterns in well-being, while taking into account that adolescents were not allowed to use their phone during school time. The Ethica Data app was programmed to generate six beep notifications per day at random time points within a fixed time interval that was tailored to the school’s schedule: before school time (1 beep), during school breaks (2 beeps), and after school time (3 beeps). During the weekend, the beeps were generated during the morning (1 beep), afternoon (3 beeps), and evening (2 beeps). To maximize compliance, a 30-min time window was provided to complete each survey. This time window was extended to one hour for the first survey (morning) and two hours for the final survey (evening) to account for travel time to school and time spent on evening activities. The average compliance rate was 83.2%. A total of 2,155 ESM assessments were collected: Participants completed an average of 34.83 surveys ( SD  = 4.91) on a total of 42 surveys, which is high compared to previous ESM studies among adolescents 34 .

The questions of the ESM study were personalized based on the responses to the baseline survey. During the ESM study, each participant reported on his/her use of three different social media platforms: WhatsApp and either Instagram, Snapchat, YouTube, and/or the chat function of games (i.e., the most popular social media platforms among adolescents 28 ). Questions about Instagram and WhatsApp use were only included if the participant had indicated in the baseline survey that s/he used these platforms at least once a week. If a participant had indicated that s/he used Instagram or WhatsApp (or both) less than once a week, s/he was asked to report on the use of Snapchat, YouTube, or the chat function of games, depending on what platform s/he used at least once a week. In addition to Instagram and WhatsApp, questions were asked about a third platform, that was selected based on how frequently the participant used Snapchat, YouTube, or the chat function of games (i.e., at least once a week). This resulted in five different combinations of three platforms: Instagram, WhatsApp, and Snapchat (47 participants); Instagram, WhatsApp, and YouTube (11 participants); Instagram, WhatsApp, and chatting via games (2 participants); WhatsApp, Snapchat, and YouTube (1 participant); and WhatsApp, YouTube, and chatting via games (2 participants).

Frequency of social media use

In the baseline survey, participants were asked to indicate how often they used and checked Instagram, WhatsApp, Snapchat, YouTube, and the chat function of games, using response options ranging from 1 ( never ) to 7 ( more than 12 times per day ). These platforms are the five most popular platforms among Dutch 14- and 15-year-olds 28 . Participants’ responses were used to select the three social media platforms that were assessed in the personalized ESM study.

Duration of social media use

In the ESM study, duration of active and passive social media use was measured by asking participants how much time in the past hour they had spent actively and passively using each of the three platforms that were included in the personalized ESM surveys. Response options ranged from 0 to 60 min , with 5-min intervals. To measure active Instagram use, participants indicated how much time in the past hour they had spent (a) “posting on your feed or sharing something in your story on Instagram” and (b) “sending direct messages/chatting on Instagram.” These two items were summed to create the variable duration of active Instagram use. Sum scores exceeding 60 min (only 0.52% of all assessments) were recoded to 60 min. To measure duration of passive Instagram use, participants indicated how much time in the past hour they had spent “viewing posts/stories of others on Instagram.” To measure the use of WhatsApp, Snapchat, YouTube and game-based chatting, we asked participants how much time they had spent “sending WhatsApp messages” (active use) and “reading WhatsApp messages” (passive use); “sending snaps/messages or sharing something in your story on Snapchat” (active use) and “viewing snaps/stories/messages from others on Snapchat” (passive use); “posting YouTube clips” (active use) and “watching YouTube clips” (passive use); “sending messages via the chat function of a game/games” (active use) and “reading messages via the chat function of a game/games” (passive use). Duration of active and passive overall social media use were created by summing the responses across the three social media platforms for active and passive use, respectively. Sum scores exceeding 60 min (2.13% of all assessments for active overall use; 2.90% for passive overall use) were recoded to 60 min. The duration variables were used to investigate whether the time spent actively or passively using social media was associated with well-being (dose–response associations).

Use/no use of social media

Based on the duration variables, we created six dummy variables, one for active and one for passive overall social media use, one for active and one for passive Instagram use, and one for active and one for passive WhatsApp use (0 =  no active use and 1 =  active use , and 0 =  no passive use and 1 =  passive use , respectively). These dummy variables were used to investigate whether the use of social media, irrespective of the duration of use, was associated with well-being (categorical associations).

Consistent with previous ESM studies 19 , 20 , we measured affective well-being using one item, asking “How happy do you feel right now?” at each assessment. Adolescents indicated their response to the question using a 7-point scale ranging from 1 ( not at all ) to 7 ( completely ), with 4 ( a little ) as the midpoint. Convergent validity of this item was established in a separate pilot ESM study among 30 adolescents conducted by the research team of the fourth author: The affective well-being item was strongly correlated with the presence of positive affect and absence of negative affect (assessed by a 10-item positive and negative affect schedule for children; PANAS-C) at both the between-person (positive affect: r  = 0.88, p < 0.001; negative affect: r  = − 0.62, p < 0.001) and within-person level (positive affect: r  = 0.74, p < 0.001; negative affect: r  = − 0.58, p < 0.001).

Statistical analyses

Before conducting the analyses, several validation checks were performed (see 34 ). First, we aimed to only include participants in the analyses who had completed more than 33% of all ESM assessments (i.e., at least 14 assessments). Next, we screened participants’ responses to the open questions for unserious responses (e.g., gross comments, jokes). And finally, we inspected time series plots for patterns in answering tendencies. Since all participants completed more than 33% of all ESM assessments, and no inappropriate responses or low-quality data patterns were detected, all participants were included in the analyses.

Following our preregistered analysis plan, we tested the proposed associations in a series of multilevel models. Before doing so, we tested the homoscedasticity and linearity assumptions for multilevel analyses 37 . Inspection of standardized residual plots indicated that the data met these assumptions (plots are available on OSF at  https://osf.io/nhks2 ). We specified separate models for overall social media use, use of Instagram, and use of WhatsApp. To investigate to what extent adolescents’ well-being would vary depending on whether they had actively or passively used social media/Instagram/WhatsApp or not during the past hour (categorical associations), we tested models including the dummy variables as predictors (active use versus no active use, and passive use versus no passive use; models 1, 3, and 5). To investigate whether, at moments when adolescents had used social media/Instagram/WhatsApp during the past hour, their well-being would vary depending on the duration of social media/Instagram/WhatsApp use (dose–response associations), we tested models including the duration variables as predictors (duration of active use and duration of passive use; models 2, 4, and 6). In order to avoid negative skew in the duration variables, we only included assessments during which adolescents had used social media in the past hour (overall, Instagram, or WhatsApp, respectively), either actively or passively. All models included well-being as outcome variable. Since multilevel analyses allow to include all available data for each individual, no missing data were imputed and no data points were excluded.

We used a model building approach that involved three steps. In the first step, we estimated an intercept-only model to assess the relative amount of between- and within-person variance in affective well-being. We estimated a three-level model in which repeated momentary assessments (level 1) were nested within adolescents (level 2), who, in turn, were nested within classrooms (level 3). However, because the between-classroom variance in affective well-being was small (i.e., 0.4% of the variance was explained by differences between classes), we proceeded with estimating two-level (instead of three-level) models, with repeated momentary assessments (level 1) nested within adolescents (level 2).

In the second step, we assessed the within-person associations of well-being with (a) overall active and passive social media use (i.e., the total of the three platforms), (b) active and passive use of Instagram, and (c) active and passive use of WhatsApp, by adding fixed effects to the model (Models 1A-6A). To facilitate the interpretation of the associations and control for the effects of time, a covariate was added that controlled for the n th assessment of the study week (instead of the n th assessment of the day, as preregistered). This so-called detrending is helpful to interpret within-person associations as correlated fluctuations beyond other changes in social media use and well-being 38 . In order to obtain within-person estimates, we person-mean centered all predictors 38 . Significance of the fixed effects was determined using the Wald test.

In the third and final step, we assessed heterogeneity in the within-person associations by adding random slopes to the models (Models 1B-6B). Significance of the random slopes was determined by comparing the fit of the fixed effects model with the fit of the random effects model, by performing the Satorra-Bentler scaled chi-square test 39 and by comparing the Bayesian information criterion (BIC 40 ) and Akaike information criterion (AIC 41 ) of the models. When the random effects model had a significantly better fit than the fixed effects model (i.e., pointing at significant heterogeneity), variance components were inspected to investigate whether heterogeneity existed in the association of either active or passive use. Next, when evidence was found for significant heterogeneity, we computed person-specific effect sizes, based on the random effect models, to investigate what percentages of adolescents experienced better well-being, worse well-being, and no changes in well-being. In line with Keijsers and colleagues 42 we only included participants who had completed at least 10 assessments. In addition, for the dose–response associations, we constructed graphical representations of the person-specific slopes, based on the person-specific effect sizes, using the xyplot function from the lattice package in R 43 .

Three improvements were made to our original preregistered plan. First, rather than estimating the models with multilevel modelling in R 43 , we ran the preregistered models in Mplus 44 . Mplus provides standardized estimates for the fixed effects models, which offers insight into the effect sizes. This allowed us to compare the relative strength of the associations of passive versus active use with well-being. Second, instead of using the maximum likelihood estimator, we used the maximum likelihood estimator with robust standard errors (MLR), which are robust to non-normality. Sensitivity tests, uploaded on OSF ( https://osf.io/nhks2 ), indicated that the results were almost identical across the two software packages and estimation approaches. Third, to improve the interpretation of the results and make the scales of the duration measures of social media use and well-being more comparable, we transformed the social media duration scores (0 to 60 min) into scales running from 0 to 6, so that an increase of 1 unit reflects 10 min of social media use. The model estimates were unaffected by this transformation.

Reporting summary

Further information on the research design is available in the Nature Research Reporting Summary linked to this article.

Data availability

The dataset generated and analysed during the current study is available in Figshare 45 . The preregistration of the design, sampling and analysis plan, and the analysis scripts used to analyse the data for this paper are available online on the Open Science Framework website ( https://osf.io/nhks2 ).

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Acknowledgements

This study was funded by the NWO Spinoza Prize and the Gravitation grant (NWO Grant 024.001.003; Consortium on Individual Development) awarded to P.M.V. by the Dutch Research Council (NWO). Additional funding was received from the VIDI grant (NWO VIDI Grant 452.17.011) awarded to L.K. by the Dutch Research Council (NWO). The authors would like to thank Savannah Boele (Tilburg University) for providing her pilot ESM results.

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I.B., J.L.P., I.I.v.D., L.K., and P.M.V. designed the study; I.B., J.L.P., and I.I.v.D. collected the data; I.B., J.L.P., and L.K. analyzed the data; and I.B., J.L.P., I.I.v.D., L.K., and P.M.V. contributed to writing and reviewing the manuscript.

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Beyens, I., Pouwels, J.L., van Driel, I.I. et al. The effect of social media on well-being differs from adolescent to adolescent. Sci Rep 10 , 10763 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-020-67727-7

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The Impact of Social Media on the Mental Health of Adolescents and Young Adults: A Systematic Review

Abderrahman m khalaf.

1 Psychiatry Department, Saudi Commission for Health Specialties, Ministry of Health, Riyadh, SAU

Abdullah A Alubied

Ahmed m khalaf.

2 College of Medicine, Imam Mohammad Ibn Saud Islamic University, Riyadh, SAU

Abdallah A Rifaey

3 College of Medicine, Almaarefa University, Riyadh, SAU

Adolescents increasingly find it difficult to picture their lives without social media. Practitioners need to be able to assess risk, and social media may be a new component to consider. Although there is limited empirical evidence to support the claim, the perception of the link between social media and mental health is heavily influenced by teenage and professional perspectives. Privacy concerns, cyberbullying, and bad effects on schooling and mental health are all risks associated with this population's usage of social media. However, ethical social media use can expand opportunities for connection and conversation, as well as boost self-esteem, promote health, and gain access to critical medical information. Despite mounting evidence of social media's negative effects on adolescent mental health, there is still a scarcity of empirical research on how teens comprehend social media, particularly as a body of wisdom, or how they might employ wider modern media discourses to express themselves. Youth use cell phones and other forms of media in large numbers, resulting in chronic sleep loss, which has a negative influence on cognitive ability, school performance, and socio-emotional functioning. According to data from several cross-sectional, longitudinal, and empirical research, smartphone and social media use among teenagers relates to an increase in mental distress, self-harming behaviors, and suicidality. Clinicians can work with young people and their families to reduce the hazards of social media and smartphone usage by using open, nonjudgmental, and developmentally appropriate tactics, including education and practical problem-solving.

Introduction and background

Humans are naturally social species that depend on the companionship of others to thrive in life. Thus, while being socially linked with others helps alleviate stress, worry, and melancholy, a lack of social connection can pose major threats to one's mental health [ 1 ]. Over the past 10 years, the rapid emergence of social networking sites like Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, and others has led to some significant changes in how people connect and communicate (Table 1 ). Over one billion people are currently active users of Facebook, the largest social networking website, and it is anticipated that this number will grow significantly over time, especially in developing countries. Facebook is used for both personal and professional interaction, and its deployment has had a number of positive effects on connectivity, idea sharing, and online learning [ 2 ]. Furthermore, the number of social media users globally in 2019 was 3.484 billion, a 9% increase year on year [ 3 ].

Mental health is represented as a state of well-being in which individuals recognize their potential, successfully navigate daily challenges, perform effectively at work, and make a substantial difference in the lives of others [ 4 ]. There is currently debate over the benefits and drawbacks of social media on mental health [ 5 ]. Social networking is an important part of safeguarding our mental health. Mental health, health behavior, physical health, and mortality risk are all affected by the quantity and quality of social contacts [ 5 ].

Social media use and mental health may be related, and the displaced behavior theory could assist in clarifying why. The displaced behavior hypothesis is a psychology theory that suggests people have limited self-control and, when confronted with a challenging or stressful situation, may engage in behaviors that bring instant gratification but are not in accordance with their long-term objectives [ 6 ]. In addition, when people are unable to deal with stress in a healthy way, they may act out in ways that temporarily make them feel better but ultimately harm their long-term goals and wellness [ 7 , 8 ]. In the 1990s, social psychologist Roy Baumeister initially suggested the displaced behavior theory [ 9 ]. Baumeister suggested that self-control is a limited resource that can be drained over time and that when self-control resources are low, people are more likely to engage in impulsive or self-destructive conduct [ 9 ]. This can lead to a cycle of bad behaviors and outcomes, as individuals may engage in behaviors that bring short respite but eventually add to their stress and difficulties [ 9 ]. According to the hypothetical terms, those who participate in sedentary behaviors, including social media, engage in fewer opportunities for in-person social interaction, both of which have been demonstrated to be protective against mental illnesses [ 10 ]. Social theories, on the other hand, discovered that social media use influences mental health by affecting how people interpret, maintain, and interact with their social network [ 4 ].

Numerous studies on social media's effects have been conducted, and it has been proposed that prolonged use of social media sites like Facebook may be linked to negative manifestations and symptoms of depression, anxiety, and stress [ 11 ]. A distinct and important time in a person's life is adolescence. Additionally, risk factors such as family issues, bullying, and social isolation are readily available at this period, and it is crucial to preserve social and emotional growth. The growth of digital technology has affected numerous areas of adolescent lives. Nowadays, teenagers' use of social media is one of their most apparent characteristics. Being socially connected with other people is a typical phenomenon, whether at home, school, or a social gathering, and adolescents are constantly in touch with their classmates via social media accounts. Adolescents are drawn to social networking sites because they allow them to publish pictures, images, and videos on their platforms. It also allows teens to establish friends, discuss ideas, discover new interests, and try out new kinds of self-expression. Users of these platforms can freely like and comment on posts as well as share them without any restrictions. Teenagers now frequently post insulting remarks on social media platforms. Adolescents frequently engage in trolling for amusement without recognizing the potentially harmful consequences. Trolling on these platforms focuses on body shaming, individual abilities, language, and lifestyle, among other things. The effects that result from trolling might cause anxiety, depressive symptoms, stress, feelings of isolation, and suicidal thoughts. The authors explain the influence of social media on teenage well-being through a review of existing literature and provide intervention and preventative measures at the individual, family, and community levels [ 12 ].

Although there is a "generally correlated" link between teen social media use and depression, certain outcomes have been inconsistent (such as the association between time spent on social media and mental health issues), and the data quality is frequently poor [ 13 ]. Browsing social media could increase your risk of self-harm, loneliness, and empathy loss, according to a number of research studies. Other studies either concluded that there is no harm or that some people, such as those who are socially isolated or marginalized, may benefit from using social media [ 10 ]. Because of the rapid expansion of the technological landscape in recent years, social media has become increasingly important in the lives of young people. Social networking has created both enormous new challenges and interesting new opportunities. Research is beginning to indicate how specific social media interactions may impair young people's mental health [ 14 ]. Teenagers could communicate with one another on social media platforms, as well as produce, like, and share content. In most cases, these individuals are categorized as active users. On the other hand, teens can also use social media in a passive manner by "lurking" and focusing entirely on the content that is posted by others. The difference between active and passive social media usage is sometimes criticized as a false dichotomy because it does not necessarily reveal whether a certain activity is goal-oriented or indicative of procrastination [ 15 ]. However, the text provides no justification for why this distinction is wrong [ 16 ]. For instance, one definition of procrastination is engaging in conversation with other people to put off working on a task that is more important. The goal of seeing the information created by other people, as opposed to participating with those same individuals, may be to keep up with the lives of friends. One of the most important distinctions that can be made between the various sorts is whether the usage is social. When it comes to understanding and evaluating all these different applications of digital technology, there are a lot of obstacles to overcome. Combining all digital acts into a single predictor of pleasure would, from both a philosophical and an empirical one, invariably results in a reduction in accuracy [ 17 ].

Methodology

This systematic review was carried out and reported in accordance with the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) statement and standard practices in the field. The purpose of this study was to identify studies on the influence of technology, primarily social media, on the psychosocial functioning, health, and well-being of adolescents and young adults.

The MEDLINE bibliographical database, PubMed, Google Scholar, CINAHL (Cumulative Index to Nursing and Allied Health Literature), and Scopus were searched between 1 January 2000 and 30 May 2023. Social media AND mental health AND adolescents AND young adults were included in the search strategy (impact or relation or effect or influence).

Two researchers (AK and AR) separately conducted a literature search utilizing the search method and evaluated the inclusion eligibility of the discovered papers based on their titles and abstracts. Then, the full texts of possibly admissible publications were retrieved and evaluated for inclusion. Disagreements among the researchers were resolved by debate and consensus.

The researchers included studies that examined the impact of technology, primarily social media, on the psychosocial functioning, health, and well-being of adolescents and young adults. We only considered English publications, reviews, longitudinal surveys, and cross-sectional studies. We excluded studies that were not written in English, were not comparative, were case reports, did not report the results of interest, or did not list the authors' names. We also found additional articles by looking at the reference lists of the retrieved articles.

Using a uniform form, the two researchers (AK and AA) extracted the data individually and independently. The extracted data include the author, publication year, study design, sample size and age range, outcome measures, and the most important findings or conclusions.

A narrative synthesis of the findings was used to analyze the data, which required summarizing and presenting the results of the included research in a logical and intelligible manner. Each study's key findings or conclusions were summarized in a table.

Study Selection

A thorough search of electronic databases, including PubMed, Embase, and Cochrane Library, was done from 1 January 2000 to 20 May 2023. Initial research revealed 326 potentially relevant studies. After deleting duplicates and screening titles and abstracts, the eligibility of 34 full-text publications was evaluated. A total of 23 papers were removed for a variety of reasons, including non-comparative studies, case reports, and studies that did not report results of interest (Figure ​ (Figure1 1 ).

PRISMA: Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses.

This systematic review identified 11 studies that examined the connection between social media use and depression symptoms in children and adolescents. The research demonstrated a modest but statistically significant association between social media use and depression symptoms. However, this relationship's causality is unclear, and additional study is required to construct explanatory models and hypotheses for inferential studies [ 18 ].

Additional research studied the effects of technology on the psychosocial functioning, health, and well-being of adolescents and young adults. Higher levels of social media usage were connected with worse mental health outcomes [ 19 ], and higher levels of social media use were associated with an increased risk of internalizing and externalizing difficulties among adolescents, especially females [ 20 ]. The use of social media was also connected with body image problems and disordered eating, especially among young women [ 21 ], and social media may be a risk factor for alcohol consumption and associated consequences among adolescents and young adults [ 22 ].

It was discovered that cyberbullying victimization is connected with poorer mental health outcomes in teenagers, including an increased risk of sadness and anxiety [ 23 ]. The use of social media was also connected with more depressive symptoms and excessive reassurance-seeking, but also with greater popularity and perceived social support [ 24 ], as well as appearance comparisons and body image worries, especially among young women [ 25 ]. Children and adolescents' bedtime media device use was substantially related to inadequate sleep quantity, poor sleep quality, and excessive daytime drowsiness [ 26 ].

Online friends can be a significant source of social support, but in-person social support appears to provide greater protection against persecution [ 27 ]. Digital and social media use offers both benefits and risks to the health of children and adolescents, and an individualized family media use plan can help strike a balance between screen time/online time and other activities, set boundaries for accessing content, promote digital literacy, and support open family communication and consistent media use rules (Tables ​ (Tables2, 2 , ​ ,3) 3 ) [ 28 ].

Does Social Media Have a Positive or Negative Impact on Adolescents and Young Adults?

Adults frequently blame the media for the problems that younger generations face, conceptually bundling different behaviors and patterns of use under a single term when it comes to using media to increase acceptance or a feeling of community [ 29 , 30 ]. The effects of social media on mental health are complex, as different goals are served by different behaviors and different outcomes are produced by distinct patterns of use [ 31 ]. The numerous ways that people use digital technology are often disregarded by policymakers and the general public, as they are seen as "generic activities" that do not have any specific impact [ 32 ]. Given this, it is crucial to acknowledge the complex nature of the effects that digital technology has on adolescents' mental health [ 19 ]. This empirical uncertainty is made worse by the fact that there are not many documented metrics of how technology is used. Self-reports are the most commonly used method for measuring technology use, but they can be prone to inaccuracy. This is because self-reports are based on people's own perceptions of their behavior, and these perceptions can be inaccurate [ 33 ]. At best, there is simply a weak correlation between self-reported smartphone usage patterns and levels that have been objectively verified [ 34 , 35 ].

When all different kinds of technological use are lumped together into a single behavioral category, not only does the measurement of that category contribute to a loss of precision, but the category also contributes to a loss of precision. To obtain precision, we need to investigate the repercussions of a wide variety of applications, ideally guided by the findings of scientific research [ 36 ]. The findings of this research have frequently been difficult to interpret, with many of them suggesting that using social media may have a somewhat negative but significantly damaging impact on one's mental health [ 36 ]. There is a growing corpus of research that is attempting to provide a more in-depth understanding of the elements that influence the development of mental health, social interaction, and emotional growth in adolescents [ 20 ].

It is challenging to provide a succinct explanation of the effects that social media has on young people because it makes use of a range of different digital approaches [ 37 , 38 ]. To utilize and respond to social media in either an adaptive or maladaptive manner, it is crucial to first have a solid understanding of personal qualities that some children may be more likely to exhibit than others [ 39 ]. In addition to this, the specific behaviors or experiences on social media that put teenagers in danger need to be recognized.

When a previous study particularly questioned teenagers in the United States, the authors found that 31% of them believe the consequences are predominantly good, 45% believe they are neither positive nor harmful, and 24% believe they are unfavorable [ 21 ]. Teens who considered social media beneficial reported that they were able to interact with friends, learn new things, and meet individuals who shared similar interests because of it. Social media is said to enhance the possibility of (i) bullying, (ii) ignoring face-to-face contact, and (iii) obtaining incorrect beliefs about the lives of other people, according to those who believe the ramifications are serious [ 21 ]. In addition, there is the possibility of avoiding depression and suicide by recognizing the warning signs and making use of the information [ 40 ]. A common topic that comes up in this area of research is the connection that should be made between traditional risks and those that can be encountered online. The concept that the digital age and its effects are too sophisticated, rapidly shifting, or nuanced for us to fully comprehend or properly shepherd young people through is being questioned, which challenges the traditional narrative that is sent to parents [ 41 ]. The last thing that needs to be looked at is potential mediators of the link between social factors and teenage depression and suicidality (for example, gender, age, and the participation of parents) [ 22 ].

The Dangers That Come With Young Adults Utilizing Social Media

The experiences that adolescents have with their peers have a substantial impact on the onset and maintenance of psychopathology in those teenagers. Peer relationships in the world of social media can be more frequent, intense, and rapid than in real life [ 42 ]. Previous research [ 22 ] has identified a few distinct types of peer interactions that can take place online as potential risk factors for mental health. Being the target of cyberbullying, also known as cyber victimization, has been shown to relate to greater rates of self-inflicted damage, suicidal ideation, and a variety of other internalizing and externalizing issues [ 43 ]. Additionally, young people may be put in danger by the peer pressure that can be found on social networking platforms [ 44 ]. This can take the form of being rejected by peers, engaging in online fights, or being involved in drama or conflict [ 45 ]. Peer influence processes may also be amplified among teenagers who spend time online, where they have access to a wider diversity of their peers as well as content that could be damaging to them [ 46 ]. If young people are exposed to information on social media that depicts risky behavior, their likelihood of engaging in such behavior themselves (such as drinking or using other drugs) may increase [ 22 ]. It may be simple to gain access to online materials that deal with self-harm and suicide, which may result in an increase in the risk of self-harm among adolescents who are already at risk [ 22 ]. A recent study found that 14.8% of young people who were admitted to mental hospitals because they posed a risk to others or themselves had viewed internet sites that encouraged suicide in the two weeks leading up to their admission [ 24 ]. The research was conducted on young people who were referred to mental hospitals because they constituted a risk to others or themselves [ 24 ]. They prefer to publish pictures of themselves on social networking sites, which results in a steady flow of messages and pictures that are often and painstakingly modified to present people in a favorable light [ 24 ]. This influences certain young individuals, leading them to begin making unfavorable comparisons between themselves and others, whether about their achievements, their abilities, or their appearance [ 47 , 48 ].

There is a correlation between higher levels of social networking in comparison and depressed symptoms in adolescents, according to studies [ 25 ]. When determining how the use of technology impacts the mental health of adolescents, it is essential to consider the issue of displacement. This refers to the question of what other important activities are being replaced by time spent on social media [ 49 ]. It is a well-established fact that the circadian rhythms of children and adolescents have a substantial bearing on both their physical and mental development.

However, past studies have shown a consistent connection between using a mobile device before bed and poorer sleep quality results [ 50 ]. These results include shorter sleep lengths, decreased sleep quality, and daytime tiredness [ 50 ]. Notably, 36% of adolescents claim they wake up at least once over the course of the night to check their electronic devices, and 40% of adolescents say they use a mobile device within five minutes of going to bed [ 25 ]. Because of this, the impact of social media on the quality of sleep continues to be a substantial risk factor for subsequent mental health disorders in young people, making it an essential topic for the continuation of research in this area [ 44 ].

Most studies that have been conducted to investigate the link between using social media and experiencing depression symptoms have concentrated on how frequently and problematically people use social media [ 4 ]. Most of the research that was taken into consideration for this study found a positive and reciprocal link between the use of social media and feelings of depression and, on occasion, suicidal ideation [ 51 , 52 ]. Additionally, it is unknown to what extent the vulnerability of teenagers and the characteristics of substance use affect this connection [ 52 ]. It is also unknown whether other aspects of the environment, such as differences in cultural norms or the advice and support provided by parents, have any bearing on this connection [ 25 ]. Even if it is probable that moderate use relates to improved self-regulation, it is not apparent whether this is the result of intermediate users having naturally greater self-regulation [ 25 ].

Gains From Social Media

Even though most of the debate on young people and new media has centered on potential issues, the unique features of the social media ecosystem have made it feasible to support adolescent mental health in more ways than ever before [ 39 ]. Among other benefits, using social media may present opportunities for humor and entertainment, identity formation, and creative expression [ 53 ]. More mobile devices than ever before are in the hands of teenagers, and they are using social media at never-before-seen levels [ 27 ]. This may not come as a surprise given how strongly young people are drawn to digital devices and the affordances they offer, as well as their heightened craving for novelty, social acceptance, and affinity [ 27 ]. Teenagers are interacting with digital technology for longer periods of time, so it is critical to comprehend the effects of this usage and use new technologies to promote teens' mental health and well-being rather than hurt it [ 53 ]. Considering the ongoing public discussion, we should instead emphasize that digital technology is neither good nor bad in and of itself [ 27 ].

One of the most well-known benefits of social media is social connection; 81% of students say it boosts their sense of connectedness to others. Connecting with friends and family is usually cited by teenagers as the main benefit of social media, and prior research typically supports the notion that doing so improves people's well-being. Social media can be used to increase acceptance or a feeling of community by providing adolescents with opportunities to connect with others who share their interests, beliefs, and experiences [ 29 ]. Digital media has the potential to improve adolescent mental health in a variety of ways, including cutting-edge applications in medical screening, treatment, and prevention [ 28 ]. In terms of screening, past research has suggested that perusing social media pages for signs of melancholy or drug abuse may be viable. More advanced machine-learning approaches have been created to identify mental disease signs on social media, such as depression, post-traumatic stress disorder, and suicidality. Self-report measures are used in most studies currently conducted on adolescent media intake. It is impossible to draw firm conclusions on whether media use precedes and predicts negative effects on mental health because research has only been conducted once. Adults frequently blame the media for the problems that younger generations face [ 30 ]. Because they are cyclical, media panics should not just be attributed to the novel and the unknown. Teenagers' time management, worldview, and social interactions have quickly and dramatically changed as a result of technology. Social media offers a previously unheard-of opportunity to spread awareness of mental health difficulties, and social media-based health promotion programs have been tested for a range of cognitive and behavioral health conditions. Thanks to social media's instant accessibility, extensive possibilities, and ability to reach remote areas, young people with mental health issues have exciting therapy options [ 54 ]. Preliminary data indicate that youth-focused mental health mobile applications are acceptable, but further research is needed to assess their usefulness and effectiveness. Youth now face new opportunities and problems as a result of the growing significance of digital media in their life. An expanding corpus of research suggests that teenagers' use of social media may have an impact on their mental health. But more research is needed [ 18 ] considering how swiftly the digital media landscape is changing.

Conclusions

In the digital era, people efficiently employ technology; it does not "happen" to them. Studies show that the average kid will not be harmed by using digital technology, but that does not mean there are no situations where it could. In this study, we discovered a connection between social media use and adolescent depression. Since cross-sectional research represents the majority, longitudinal studies are required. The social and personal life of young people is heavily influenced by social media. Based on incomplete and contradictory knowledge on young people and digital technology, professional organizations provide guidance to parents, educators, and institutions. If new technologies are necessary to promote social interaction or develop digital and relational (digitally mediated) skills for growing economies, policies restricting teen access to them may be ineffective. The research on the impact of social media on mental health is still in its early stages, and more research is needed before we can make definitive recommendations for parents, educators, or institutions. Reaching young people during times of need and when assistance is required is crucial for their health. The availability of various friendships and services may improve the well-being of teenagers.

The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

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The Impact of Social Media on Teens' Mental Health

Social media has some good intentions: connecting you with people all around the world, showing you content you are interested in, and providing endless entertainment. But there are also negative consequences to endless scrolling. Research has shown that young adults who use social media are three times as likely to suffer from depression , putting a large portion of the population at risk for suicidal thoughts and behaviors. 

In the U.S., suicide rates have declined slightly since 2019, but it continues to be a serious concern among our younger generation. According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the number of suicides in females aged 15-24 increased 87 percent over the past 20 years. And among males aged 15-24, the number of suicides rose by 30 percent over that same time period. 

Almost every teen now has an account on at least one social media platform. They use social media to reach out to friends, share experiences, and tell the world about themselves. However, without realizing it, they are managing an addiction. 

Jessica Holzbauer , a licensed clinical social worker at Huntsman Mental Health Institute , explains how our smartphones are, by design, addictive. “We get a dopamine release in our brain when we pick up our phone or log into social media,” she says. Using social apps is essentially priming your brain into thinking you are rewarding yourself every time you pick up your device. 

Negative Impacts of Social Media

Is it true that using social apps could negatively affect your mental health? 

“In short, yes, social media can have negative consequences for our mental health,” Holzbauer says. “The younger generation grew up with social media and the ability to see anything, anytime, anywhere. Our ability to tolerate the distress of waiting has been eroded because we can Google the answer to almost any question. We no longer have to wait to know who was the actor that played Ron Burgundy in Anchorman or where to find the nearest library.” 

In many ways, social media has removed the barriers between the user and the audience—with far-reaching implications. “We can act on impulse and post something to social media that may reflect a feeling or thought in the moment but may not be true to us a day later,” Holzbauer says. “When our more level-headed self is back in charge, we can feel embarrassment, shame, or regret for posting something impulsively.” 

We also know that content can be filtered, edited, and manipulated before it’s posted, which can lead to unattainable standards being broadcast to the entire world for anyone to see. Users are obsessed with instant gratification and in some instances base their worth or image off the images they see and the amount of likes they receive on their post. 

“The information teens are putting out is one factor—another is the information they are taking in,” Holzbauer says. “Social media is giving them access to images, people, and ideas they otherwise would not be able to access. This can be a very positive thing, but we know it can also have negative consequences.” 

A recent study from Facebook found Instagram to have harmful effects among a portion of its millions of young users, particularly teenage girls. Findings indicated that Instagram makes body image issues worse for one in three teenage girls. And among teenagers who reported suicidal thoughts, 6 percent in the U.S. traced them back to Instagram. 

Warning Signs Your Teen Is Struggling

This is not to say that keeping teens from social media will keep teens from having suicidal thoughts. Instead, it is a call for parents to be aware of what their kids are doing online—and to look for any changes in their child’s behavior. 

“If your child is starting to focus too much of their attention on social media at the expense of real-life interactions, parents should be concerned,” Holzbauer says. “At the very least, this should spark a conversation about the behaviors to ensure there aren’t more serious issues going on like bullying, anxiety , or other issues.”  

Parents should also look for behaviors not necessarily related to social media that may signal a problem. If a teen is acting differently, seems disinterested in life, or is talking about not wanting to live, actions should be taken. It can be a hard conversation to have —but it might save their life. 

Parents aren’t the only ones who should be on alert. Friends should also be aware when it appears someone is in trouble. They may even have more insight into the situation because they are sharing social media experiences and seeing similar content. One thing all teens should know is that if a friend appears to be considering suicide, they should not write it off as someone being “dramatic” or seeking attention. Be sure to tell someone if you see concerning behavior online and know the resources available. 

Tips for Healthy Social Media Use

We all know how the algorithm works—the more you look at your phone, the more it will send compelling content to keep your eyes from looking away. It’s hard to break habits of checking TikTok or Instagram and constantly refreshing to see more, but it’s important to take time away for our mental and physical health. Parents can set a good example through their own virtual behavior. Here are some tips for parents and their teens .

988 , the national suicide and crisis lifeline, is available anytime, anywhere. Simply call, chat, or text 9-8-8 for an immediate response from a licensed mental health professional. In Utah, students also have access to the  SafeUT app  where they can chat confidentially or submit a tip about themselves or a friend. 

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The Effects of Social Media on Teens and Young Adults

SDSU professor of psychology Jean Twenge says not all screen time is created equal.

In his State of the Union address on March 1, 2022, President Joe Biden called for tougher restrictions on tech companies in order to protect kids from the harms of social media and to safeguard their privacy.

San Diego State University psychology professor  Jean Twenge studies the effects of social media on the well-being of teens and young adults who are part of a generation that has never known a world without smartphones. Twenge is the author of iGen: Why Today’s Super-Connected Kids Are Growing Up Less Rebellious, More Tolerant, Less Happy — and Completely Unprepared for Adulthood. 

NewsCenter’s  Susanne Clara Bard  asked Twenge how social media affects young people and what parents can do about it. 

You’ve indicated in past research that social media use in teens is more harmful than screen time alone, what are some of your key findings?

Twenge:  Among teens, heavy users of social media (five-plus hours a day) are twice as likely to be depressed as non-users. Facebook’s own research found that using Instagram led to body image issues for many teen girls. Screen time in general (TV, gaming, texting) is also linked to depression, but not as strongly. Depression rates begin to increase after an hour of social media use a day, but the curve is usually more shallow for other types of screen time, with higher depression rates only appearing after three or four hours a day of use. So, two hours a day of social media use seems to be different from two hours a day of TV watching, for example.

What kind of reforms is Biden calling for, and are tech companies likely to take action?

Twenge:  During his State of the Union address, President Biden said that social media companies were conducting a “national experiment … on our children for profit.” In the audience was Facebook whistleblower Frances Haugen, who testified to Congress in 2021 about the company’s policies and leaked internal research showing social media’s impact on teens and young adults. In fall 2021, a bipartisan coalition of senators called for social media reforms, particularly around minors. For example, users are required to be 13 to use social media platforms under the 1998 Children’s Online Privacy Protection Act, but age is not verified by the platforms — so they are routinely used by children as young as six.

Thirteen is also likely too young to handle the pressures of social media; some have called for the minimum age to be raised to 16 or 18. Barring that, the platforms could consider a different social media experience for young teens that allowed communication with friends but without access to influencers and other content that might lead to body image issues or unfavorable comparisons. There’s another reason we need to take action: Rates of depression among teens doubled between 2011 and 2019, right as social media and smartphones became popular. It’s of course difficult to prove that technology is behind the rise, but what else caused such a big change in teens’ lives over this time?

Is social media addictive to kids? If so, what can tech companies do to make it less so?

Twenge:  Social media platforms use algorithms to keep users coming back as often as possible for as long as possible. You could say they are designed to be addictive. Tech companies have no incentive to change this; it’s essential to their business model. That’s why reforms are probably going to be necessary.

Do all forms of screen time have the same effect on kids?

Twenge:  It seems clear that social media, especially for girls, is more strongly associated with mental health issues than screen time in general. Watching TV and streaming services, for example, is less likely to lead to the issues social media is known for, including seeing what friends are doing without you, feeling pressure to post sexy pictures, worrying about likes and followers, and excessively comparing yourself to others. Gaming is often a social activity, which might be why it’s not as strongly associated with depression as social media. General internet use is also linked to depression at about the same rate as social media; that might be because some of that use is on social media sites, or because teens are viewing other content online that has negative consequences for mental health.

Though there are calls for limits on social media on the national level, what would you recommend in terms of steps that parents can take now if they are concerned about the impact of social media on their child?

Twenge:  First, kids 12 and under should not be using social media — it’s against the rules (read  Twitter policy  and  Meta policy ), and for good reason: They’re just not ready.

Second, put off kids getting social media accounts as long as possible. When they do get an account, limit the amount of time they can spend on it to an hour or less a day (this can be done using the parental controls on most smartphones). This limit can be relaxed somewhat for older teens, but only if they are handling the pressures of social media well — and it may be difficult to tell. My No. 1 rule, though, is this: no phones in the bedroom overnight. It’s just too tempting for teens (and adults!) to use the phone in bed and compromise sleep.

Originally published on SDSU NewsCenter

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Positive & Negative Effects of Social Media on Teens Essay

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Introduction

Positive effects of social media, negative effects of social media.

In the twenty-first century, many teenagers spend their free time on social networks, which are an integral part of human life today. Scientists are still arguing about the harm and benefits of social media on teenagers. The environment of modern man, in which socialization takes place, has changed significantly. Nowadays, the younger generation spends more time on social networks. For teenagers, the social network has become a tool for self-expression. Communication is no longer limited to a certain circle of people with whom the teenager contacts physically. Therefore, the topic raises a serious problem: the socialization of a teenager under the influence of the Internet environment. This paper reveals the positive and negative aspects of the influence of social networks on the younger generation.

Self-Development

Social networks have everything a teenager needs for self-development. Many groups are directly related to studying. In order not to miss new publications, it is enough to enable notifications. The variety of groups in social networks is so great that every teenager will be able to find something for themselves, ranging from culinary recipes to international politics.

There is also a large database of videos and music files on social networks, among which one can find rare or necessary book copies. On the web, teenagers can get information that is significant for education. For example, Facebook is the largest repository of audio, video, and photo materials on many academic subjects that can be listened to, viewed, and downloaded (Nisar et al., 2019). In addition, a social network is a quick transfer or dissemination of information about the school, class, events, and student news.

The network provides an excellent opportunity to promote oneself as a person. Teenagers can try to start their own business or engage in blogging. They can also write books or stories on social networks, try to earn money, or realize their strengths in SMM (Pouwels et al., 2021). Social networks attract with their ability to express themselves, to acquaint everyone with their talents, hobbies, and achievements. Some post the results of their creativity – poems, songs, music, and videos.

Finding Friends

Communication has been simplified to the maximum level; nowadays, the huge distance between people is no longer a hindrance to their communication. It is enough to have a computer or laptop connected to the Internet, and special software that makes it possible to communicate, hear and see each other. Therefore, due to social networks, teenagers can stay in touch with friends who live at a great distance. There is a video call function that only requires the Internet. Teenagers can chat with friends without spending money on the balance.

In social networks, one can easily find people: when registering on a social network, the user provides their first and last name, as well as other data – age, educational institutions, contact phone numbers. This allows teenagers to find any person in a matter of seconds, provided that they have provided reliable information about themselves. However, social networks help not only to be aware of the lives of friends, acquaintances, and classmates. Teenagers can also look for like-minded people online (Nisar et al., 2019). There are many important groups where people can share their accumulated experience or their views on life. The network makes it possible to find friends, familiar classmates, and insecure teenagers to feel in demand (Pouwels et al., 2021). It makes new acquaintances without fear that there may be nothing to talk about with this person in the future. By joining interest groups, a teenager is not afraid that they might be rejected.

The ability to find friends is also associated with psychological comfort. Teenagers can say much more online than in real life, and not feel uncomfortable at the same time: they have time to formulate thoughts more clearly and express them most accurately (Pouwels et al., 2021). The Internet has the opportunity to follow the life of idols, to know what they are doing and what new things have happened to them. Friends can also watch the user, so one does not need to tell everyone about an important event, it is enough to share it on social networks. Thus, teenagers have the opportunity to realize themselves in the eyes of friends and acquaintances.

Physical & Mental Health

The properties of social networks have a negative impact when a teenager uses them non-stop. The flow of news, the change of emotions, impressions, and the solution of multi-level tasks lead to fatigue and harm to health. The radiation of the monitor has a detrimental effect on the retina of the eyes (Byrne et al., 2018). Many teenagers do not understand that most of the visitors of social networks embellish their reality. Perceiving the virtual image as reality, an inferiority complex is created. This perception affects self-esteem and harms the psyche. As a result, the body gets stressed, and the teenager is at risk of depression.

A constant presence in social networks develops the habit of receiving information in portions of the brain. Several processes are going on at the same time: listening to music, viewing photos, writing comments, and reading news. As a result, there is a decrease in the concentration of attention, and the teenager’s body is harmed (Charoensukmongkol, 2018). The term hyperactivity, well-known in psychology, accurately defines the state of a teenager. They cannot concentrate on one task, useful material is not assimilated, and the effectiveness of education decreases.

Social networks have a significant impact on the psyche of a teenager. A person needs constant recognition as a person for harmonious development. Before the advent of social networks, people had to constantly work on themselves to prove their worth. With the appearance of social media, everything has become simpler: it is enough to post a photo or video and one can collect likes. Having received approval on social networks, the user experiences a kind of euphoria (Byrne et al., 2018). Gradually, the teenager develops an addiction: the first thing their morning starts with is viewing their account. If there is free time during the day, they also constantly visit their page, spending too much time online.

Communication

Teenagers want to use easy ways to have fun, interaction in social networks is reduced to affixing likes, and correspondence is saturated with emoticons and abbreviations. For example, a story about one’s mood shortens to sending a smiley face. This way of communication becomes a habit, becomes the norm, and is used in everyday life. It is difficult for active visitors of social networks to rebuild their relationships into generally accepted forms (Szabla & Blommaert, 2020). This becomes an obstacle to a full-fledged dialogue, since people who are far from computer slang hardly understand such a narrative.

The presentation of information on the Internet occurs in such a way that, having the intention to view the weather forecast, the user is forced to close pop-up windows with advertisements, news blocks, or links to various sites. Many teenagers cannot cope with this task: all this attracts their attention and distracts them from the search (Charoensukmongkol, 2018). A teenager receives a stream of unnecessary information. If they do not control this process and do not block the excess, the brain is overloaded, fatigue accumulates, irritation and the body is harmed.

By texting, people lose the skills of real communication; in social networks, words and feelings that are transmitted through personal contact lose their meaning. It becomes easy to hide experiences or fake emotions (Szabla & Blommaert, 2020). A teenager addicted to social networks misjudges people and does not feel responsible. They become capable of insulting an opponent and causing harm without experiencing any remorse or empathy.

With the development of Internet technologies, the world has changed a lot, and it also changed the way of thinking of young people. Undoubtedly, it is possible to highlight numerous advantages of social networks. These are freely available groups where teenagers can find like-minded people, keep up to date with the latest developments, find a new hobby, develop their skills in some endeavor or relax by browsing interesting communities. However, social networks not only have a positive impact on a teenager but can also cause harm. It is associated with the distortion of reality in social networks, information overload, and a change like live communication. It is impossible to eliminate the negative impact of the use of social networks, however, by maintaining a balance, they can be minimized.

Byrne, E., Vessey, J. A., & Pfeifer, L. (2018). Cyberbullying and social media: Information and interventions for school nurses working with victims, students, and families. The Journal of School Nursing, 34 (1), 28-39.

Charoensukmongkol, P. (2018). The impact of social media on social comparison and envy in teenagers: The moderating role of the parent comparing children and in-group competition among friends. Journal of Child and Family Studies, 27 (3), 69-79.

Nisar, T. M., Prabhakar, G., & Strakova, L. (2019). Social media information benefits, knowledge management and smart organizations. Journal of Business Research, 94 (7), 264-272.

Pouwels, J. L., Valkenburg, P. M., Beyens, I., Driel, I. I., & Keijsers, L. (2021). Some socially poor but also some socially rich adolescents feel closer to their friends after using social media. Scientific Reports, 11 (1), 9-13.

Szabla, M., & Blommaert, J. (2020). Does context really collapse in social media interaction? Applied Linguistics Review, 11 (2), 251-279.

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The Lasting Effects of Social Media on Young Adults

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The truth about social media and screen time's impact on young people

There are many scary claims about excess time on digital devices for children and teenagers. Here’s a guide to the real risks - and what to do about them

By Michael Marshall

18 June 2024

Tim Alexander

“Get off your phone!” Most parents will have found themselves yelling some version of this at their offspring – often to be met with eye-rolls.

We have all found ourselves spending more time on screens in recent years, with the rise of smartphones and social media. Children are no exception. The covid-19 pandemic also resulted in a huge rise in their screen time as a result of lockdowns and school closures.

There are a lot of scary claims about excess screen time for children and teenagers: that it is harming their mental health, leading to depression, eating disorders and even suicide, and is cutting into time they would otherwise spend socialising or exercising, causing loneliness and poor physical fitness. In short, the fear is that too much time on digital devices is ruining kids’ lives – and tech companies, which have designed their apps to hook us , are complicit. No wonder governments around the world are considering curtailing screen time for under-18s.

Is anxiety rising in children and if so, why?

Yet a closer look at the evidence doesn’t support this overwhelmingly negative picture. This doesn’t mean tech giants are benign and don’t need more regulation. But it does mean we need to think more carefully about what healthy screen time for young people looks like and how best to make the online world accessible to them. So here’s a guide to what we really know about the impact of screens and social media.

One thing is clear in this complex area: children and adolescents now spend a lot of time on screens – just like the rest of us. A …

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Why young brains are especially vulnerable to social media

The science behind why apps like TikTok, Instagram, and Snapchat impact your child’s brain in a different way than your adult brain.

• Mental Health
• Social Media and Internet

Starting around age 10, children’s brains undergo a fundamental shift that spurs them to seek social rewards, including attention and approval from their peers.

At the same time, we hand them smartphones (Kids & Tech, Influence Central, 2018).

Social media platforms like Instagram, YouTube, TikTok, and Snapchat have provided crucial opportunities for interaction that are a normal part of development—especially during a time of severe isolation prompted by the pandemic. But they’ve also been increasingly linked to mental health problems , including anxiety, depressive symptoms, and body image concerns.

So, why do kids face a higher risk of harm on social media?

Let’s dig deeper.

[ Related: Potential risks of content, features, and functions: The science of how social media affects youth ]

Social rewards and the brain

Between the ages of 10 and 12, changes in the brain make social rewards—compliments on a new hairstyle, laughter from a classmate—start to feel a lot more satisfying. Specifically, receptors for the “happy hormones” oxytocin and dopamine multiply in a part of the brain called the ventral striatum, making preteens extra sensitive to attention and admiration from others.

[ Related: What neuroscience tells us about the teenage brain ]

“We know that social media activity is closely tied to the ventral striatum,” said Mitch Prinstein, APA’s chief science officer. “This region gets a dopamine and oxytocin rush whenever we experience social rewards.”

Right next door to the ventral striatum lies the ventral pallidum, a region of the brain key for motivating action. These structures, which lie beneath the more recently evolved cortex, are older parts of the brain that drive instinctual behaviors.

In adulthood, social media use is also linked to activation in the brain’s reward centers, but two key differences may lessen harm, Prinstein said. First, adults tend to have a fixed sense of self that relies less on feedback from peers. Second, adults have a more mature prefrontal cortex, an area that can help regulate emotional responses to social rewards.

Permanent and public

In youth, the drive for approval has historically helped kids and teens develop healthy social skills and connections. But arriving at school in a new pair of designer jeans, hoping your crush will smile at you in the hallway, is worlds away from posting a video on TikTok that may get thousands of views and likes, Prinstein said.

Part of what makes online interactions so different from in-person ones is their permanent—and often public—nature, according to research by Jacqueline Nesi, PhD, an assistant professor of psychology at Brown University ( Psychological Inquiry , Vol. 21, No. 3, 2020).

“After you walk away from a regular conversation, you don’t know if the other person liked it, or if anyone else liked it—and it’s over,” Prinstein said. “That’s not true on social media.”

Instead, kids, their friends, and even people they’ve never met can continue to seek, deliver, or withhold social rewards in the form of likes, comments, views, and follows.

As children and teens increasingly go online for entertainment and connection, parents, scholars, and policymakers are concerned that young people’s biology is making them particularly vulnerable to—and in some cases, even exploited by—social media.

Protecting young users

Further research shows how this biological vulnerability plays out in the lives of children and teens. Younger social media users are more likely than older ones to have body image issues, while kids who use Instagram or Snapchat before age 11 face a higher risk of online harassment (Saiphoo, A. N., & Vahedi, Z., Computers in Human Behavior , Vol. 101, 2019; Charmaraman, L., et al., Computers in Human Behavior , Vol. 127, 2022).

These and other findings have prompted recommendations from the U.S. Surgeon General, Vivek Murthy, MD, that social media and other technology companies help minimize fallout from their products, including by prioritizing the wellbeing of young users and by sharing their data with independent researchers ( Protecting youth mental health (PDF, 1.01MB) , The U.S. Surgeon General’s Advisory, 2021).

“It’s time we stopped trying to make a profit on kids’ developing brains,” Prinstein said. “For the first time in human history, we have given up autonomous control over our social relationships and interactions, and we now allow machine learning and artificial intelligence to make decisions for us.”

“We have already seen how this has created tremendous vulnerabilities to our way of life. It’s even scarier to consider how this may be changing brain development for an entire generation of youth,” he said.

• APA chief science officer calls on Congress to invest $1 billion in youth mental health research
• Testimony: Mental Health and Substance Use Disorders: Responding to the Growing Crisis (PDF, 197KB)
• Children’s mental health is in crisis
• How can we minimize Instagram's harmful effects?
• How social media affects teens’ mental health and well-being

Contact APA Office of Public Affairs

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Press Release Details

Which adolescents are at risk of depression following early social media use.

A new study that looked for relationships between early social media use and depression across adolescence and into young adulthood found that certain factors may make social media more risky or protective regarding depression. The findings, which are published in the  Journal of Adolescence , suggest that social media use does not impact all adolescents in the same way, and an individualized approach is needed to determine the benefits and harms of social media on young people’s mental health.

For the study, 488 adolescents living in the United States were surveyed once a year for 8 years (beginning in 2010 when the average age for participants was 13 years old). The investigators found 5 classes that differed in how self-reported social media use duration related to depressive symptoms. Although high amounts of reported social media use was often related to larger increases in depressive symptoms, this was not universal.

Social media use was related to increased depression for adolescents with greater parental hostility, peer bullying, anxiety, reactivity to stressors, and lower parental media monitoring. With many other characteristics and factors, social media use was related to less depression or was unrelated to depression.

“When thinking about whether social media may impact a particular teen, it's important to take a broad perspective. If the teen is already in a vulnerable position (being bullied or having hostile parents or parents who don't monitor their teen's media) then social media is much more likely to be harmful. This is especially true if there is more than 3+ hours of use a day,” said corresponding author W. Justin Dyer, PhD, of Brigham Young University. “However, if their friends and parents are warm and supportive, and the parents monitor their teens' media use, moderate amounts of social media use (less than 3 hours a day) may be a good thing. Teens appear to be greatly benefited when parents provide guidance as they navigate social media. That guidance may make all the difference.”

URL:  https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/jad.12362

Additional Information NOTE:  The information contained in this release is protected by copyright. Please include journal attribution in all coverage. For more information or to obtain a PDF of any study, please contact: Sara Henning-Stout,  [email protected] .

About the Journal The  Journal of Adolescence  addresses issues of professional and academic importance concerning development between puberty and the attainment of adult status within society. We focus specifically on adolescent development: change over time or negotiating age-specific issues and life transitions.

About Wiley Wiley is a knowledge company and a global leader in research, publishing, and knowledge solutions. Dedicated to the creation and application of knowledge, Wiley serves the world’s researchers, learners, innovators, and leaders, helping them achieve their goals and solve the world's most important challenges. For more than two centuries, Wiley has been delivering on its timeless mission to unlock human potential. Visit us at  Wiley.com . Follow us on  Facebook ,  Twitter ,  LinkedIn  and  Instagram .

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PORTLAND, Ore. — Social media is having an impact on kids and teens. Earlier this year the Surgeon General of the United States issued a new advisory about the effects it has on youth mental health.

“It affects adults as well as kids, but kids are more vulnerable because their brains are still developing,” Senior Medical Director of Behavioral Health for Regence Dr. Mike Franz  said.

To be clear, social media isn’t all bad. It can offer a lot of positives, but there are increasing signs that social media can be harmful to the mental health and well-being of children and teens.

“The research is still fairly early, but some of it points, without a doubt, that social media does have an influence on our children’s behavioral health and that we need to start paying attention to that,” Franz said.

Nearly all young people use social media. Up to 95% of young people — ages 13-17 — report using a social media platform and more than one-third use social media “almost constantly,” according to the Surgeon General’s report.

“These platforms are engineered to hook you,” Dr. Franz said. “And they do have an effect at the neural synapse. They do increase dopamine when you get those likes when you see how many people are responding to your post.”

Research shows that adolescents who spend more than three hours per day on social media face double the risk of experiencing poor mental health outcomes like depression and anxiety.

Each child is unique and is affected by social media in different ways. For many, it can be positive. About 58% of adolescents say that social media helps them feel more accepted

However, on the flip side of that, there are real problems — like cyberbullying and unrealistic body image.

“We can only imagine what our adolescents are doing as they doom scroll and see, literally, thousands of images per hour that are unrealistic,” Franz said.

When asked about the impact of social media on their body image, 46% of adolescents aged 13-17 said social media makes them feel worse.

Additionally, 64% of adolescents are “often” or “sometimes” exposed to hate-based content through social media. Studies have also shown a relationship between social media use and poor sleep quality, reduced sleep duration, sleep difficulties and depression among youth.

A 2021 survey of teenagers found that, on average, they spend 3.5 hours a day on social media.

The Surgeon General calls for policymakers, tech companies, and researchers to do more to address the impact social media has on youth mental health.

For each child, addressing the potential negative impacts of social media starts with the parent or caregiver.

“I don’t want to paint this as all bad — kids are still going to use it. So we need to be able to engage as parents, developmentally appropriate; our 11-year-old in a conversation, versus a 17-year-old and everything in between,” Franz said.

Learn more bout the Surgeon General's advisory and ways you can address the topic at hhs.gov.

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Surgeon General: Why I’m Calling for a Warning Label on Social Media Platforms

By Vivek H. Murthy

Dr. Murthy is the surgeon general.

One of the most important lessons I learned in medical school was that in an emergency, you don’t have the luxury to wait for perfect information. You assess the available facts, you use your best judgment, and you act quickly.

The mental health crisis among young people is an emergency — and social media has emerged as an important contributor. Adolescents who spend more than three hours a day on social media face double the risk of anxiety and depression symptoms, and the average daily use in this age group, as of the summer of 2023, was 4.8 hours . Additionally, nearly half of adolescents say social media makes them feel worse about their bodies.

It is time to require a surgeon general’s warning label on social media platforms, stating that social media is associated with significant mental health harms for adolescents. A surgeon general’s warning label, which requires congressional action, would regularly remind parents and adolescents that social media has not been proved safe. Evidence from tobacco studies show that warning labels can increase awareness and change behavior. When asked if a warning from the surgeon general would prompt them to limit or monitor their children’s social media use, 76 percent of people in one recent survey of Latino parents said yes.

To be clear, a warning label would not, on its own, make social media safe for young people. The advisory I issued a year ago about social media and young people’s mental health included specific recommendations for policymakers, platforms and the public to make social media safer for kids. Such measures, which already have strong bipartisan support, remain the priority.

Legislation from Congress should shield young people from online harassment, abuse and exploitation and from exposure to extreme violence and sexual content that too often appears in algorithm-driven feeds. The measures should prevent platforms from collecting sensitive data from children and should restrict the use of features like push notifications, autoplay and infinite scroll, which prey on developing brains and contribute to excessive use.

Additionally, companies must be required to share all of their data on health effects with independent scientists and the public — currently they do not — and allow independent safety audits. While the platforms claim they are making their products safer, Americans need more than words. We need proof.

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Social Media

The dark side of social media, a new study finds spending less time on social media leads to greater well-being..

Posted June 21, 2024 | Reviewed by Ray Parker

• A new study finds social media use is linked to increased anxiety and depression in teens.
• Social media can make teens feel worse about themselves.
• Researchers find teens who cut their social media use in half experienced less anxiety, depression, and FOMO.

In a previous post , my team and I explored how social media use can negatively impact body image in youth. As young people are on their phones more and more, constant exposure to unrealistic beauty standards can leave them particularly vulnerable to low self-esteem and unfavorable social comparisons. However, evidence suggests that poor body image is not the only impact of social media on youth.

As rates of anxiety and depression in teens have been growing alongside an increase in social media usage, we have to wonder how closely the two are connected. In 2021, Statistics Canada reported that 36% of youth experience clinically concerning symptoms of depression, and 23% experience elevated levels of anxiety. At the same time, 81.3% of Canadian youth reported spending more than two hours on social media daily, and 96% reported regular use of at least one social media platform, rates that are similar or higher among teens in the US. Multiple studies have found a correlation between social media use and poor mental health, and it makes sense why.

We all know that people tend to share just the highlights of their lives on social media, rarely sharing the challenges or low points they may be experiencing. Scrolling through social media, it seems like everyone is going on a beach holiday, showing off their perfectly airbrushed bodies, or sharing the great news of their newest accomplishments. We can't help but compare ourselves to these seemingly “perfect” lives, even when we know they are fabricated. This constant comparison can make a young person feel inadequate or worthless, leading to feelings of depression and anxiety. On top of this, the more we scroll, the more we see all the things we are missing out on. Imagine going on Instagram and noticing pictures of all your friends at a party you weren’t invited to. It hurts, right? And yet, we keep wanting to check for updates. Who is at the party? Are they having fun without me? This unhealthy cycle of fear of missing out (FoMO) can impact your self-esteem, trigger your anxiety, and make you feel incredibly alone.

In addition to negative social comparisons, displacement theory provides another answer as to why screen time and social media have a negative impact on health and mental health. The theory posits that spending large amounts of time on social media allows an individual less time to spend on other mental-health-promoting activities like sleep, physical activity, recreational and social activities with friends, and pursuing pleasurable hobbies.

Although a correlational relationship has already been established, our study is the first to examine a causal relationship between social media use and mental health in youth experiencing emotional distress. Among 220 youth experiencing symptoms of anxiety or depression, we found that reducing social media by half, to a maximum of one hour per day, led to greater reductions in anxiety, depression, the experience of FoMO, and increases in sleep compared to a placebo group that had unrestricted access. Our findings support the “displacement theory” of screen time, suggesting that spending less time on things that make people truly happy makes people more likely to experience poor mental health. Although our findings did not demonstrate that reduced social media improved mental health due to reduced negative social comparisons, it is too early to throw “the baby out with the bathwater,” as correlational studies have found this link.

While it makes sense to think that reducing social media usage would make people feel even more isolated or left out, our study indicated that the opposite was true. Although initial reduction time in social media may increase FoMO, this typically only lasts a few days, and our findings support that FoMO will go down with continued reduced use. In fact, reduced social media use may lead to increased social connection and positive mental health behaviors as people are forced to adapt and meet their social needs in healthier ways.

The study also indicated that reduced social media use led to earlier bedtimes and longer sleep. As the displacement theory suggests, less time on social media means more time to get some well-needed rest. On top of this, reduced feelings of anxiety and depression likely helped people fall asleep easier, or perhaps the increased sleep resulting from less social media use reduced anxiety and depression symptoms. Further research is needed to make the direction of these findings more clear.

The results of the study beg the question: why do we torture ourselves? Sure, social media has many benefits. It helps us connect with long-lost friends, plan our social lives, and share our successes with people we care about. But when our life becomes a constant competition , and we feel like we just don't measure up, and when we know social media takes time away from sleep and in-person social and recreational activities that make us feel good, why do we continue to use it so much?

Important takeaways from our study suggest reducing your usage of social media will help you get more sleep and boost your mood. Instead of scrolling on Instagram, try taking your dog for a walk, reading a book, or catching up with a friend. As parents, we suggest implementing rules to reduce screen time during meals or social activities to promote better attachment and connection with friends and family. We also recommend implementing a “no-phone” rule 30 minutes before bedtime and no-phones in children's and youth’s bedrooms overnight. Lastly, parents are the most important role models for their children, and there is a relationship between parent screen and social media use and their children’s mental health. This means parents should also try to reduce their own social media use and engage in non-screen health-promoting alternative activities, as well as support their children in doing the same. This will help your child promote better sleep, lead to more efficient learning at school, and improve their mental health.

Davis, C. G., & Goldfield, G. S. (2024). Limiting social media use decreases depression, anxiety, and fear of missing out in youth with emotional distress: A randomized controlled trial. Psychology of Popular Media . https://doi.org/10.1037/ppm0000536

Gary Goldfield, PhD., C. Psych., is a Senior Scientist with the Healthy Active Living & Obesity (HALO) Research Group at the Children’s Hospital of Eastern Ontario Research Institute in Ottawa, Canada.

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At any moment, someone’s aggravating behavior or our own bad luck can set us off on an emotional spiral that could derail our entire day. Here’s how we can face triggers with less reactivity and get on with our lives.

• Emotional Intelligence
• Gaslighting
• Affective Forecasting
• Neuroscience