175 GC children
Author, year, country . | Study design . | Number of deliveries and children . | Result | |
---|---|---|---|---|
Intervention . | Control . | |||
(2015), Canada | Case series | 133 GC deliveries 175 GC children | ||
(2005), USA | Case series | 8 GC deliveries 11 GC children | ||
(1998), USA* | Cohort study | 95 GC deliveries 128 GC children Numbers of IVF children NA | GC deliveries: | IVF deliveries: |
, USA | Case series | 38 deliveries, 39 surrogate (traditional) children | ||
(2002), Finland | Case series | 10 GC deliveries 11 GC children |
GC, gestational carrier; NA, not available.
*IVF pregnancies from Brinsden and Rizk (1992) .
Conclusion: Rates of HDP and placental complications in surrogate pregnancies were similar to those for IVF. Rates of HDP were lower than reported in OD pregnancies. Peripartum hysterectomies were reported as severe complications. Since most data was derived from case series, no GRADE assessment was performed.
Gestational age.
Two cohort studies and five case series reported on the gestational age of children born after surrogate pregnancies (Table II ). Most studies come from the USA. The cohort studies included in total 1308 children, while the case series included a total of 271 children born after surrogacy. The preterm birth rate (PTB) in surrogate singletons varied between 0 and 11.5% as compared with 14% for IVF singletons. In the largest cohort study ( Gibbons et al. , 2011 ) including 1180 surrogacy singletons the mean gestational age was 37.2 weeks as compared with 37.7 weeks for IVF singletons and 37.4 weeks for singletons from OD. The rate of multiple pregnancies was 2.6–75.0% (Table II ). The cohort study with historical controls and the case series also reported on gestational age in twin pregnancies ( n = 1–38 twin pregnancies). PTB occurred in 20.4–100% of surrogate twin pregnancies. In the cohort study, mean gestational age was 36.2 (SD 0.4) weeks in surrogate twins and 36.0 (SD 2) weeks in IVF twins ( Parkinson et al. , 1998 ).
Gestational age and plurality in deliveries after surrogacy.
Author, year, country . | Study design . | Number of deliveries and children . | Result | ||
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Intervention | Control . | ||||
(1998), USA | Case series | 27 GC deliveries 33 GC children | PTB: | Plurality: | |
(2015), Canada | Case series | 133 GC deliveries 175 GC children | PTB (<37 weeks): | Plurality: | |
(2010), The Netherlands | Case series | 13 GC deliveries 16 GC children | PTB (<37 weeks): | Plurality: | |
(2005), USA | Case series | 8 GC deliveries 11 GC children | PTB (<37 weeks): | Plurality: | |
(2011), USA | Cohort study | 1180 GC singletons 49 252 fresh IVF singletons 10 785 frozen IVF singletons 10 176 fresh OD singletons | GA, mean (SD), weeks: | Not reported | GA, mean (SD), weeks: < 0.0001 |
(2000) | Case series | 18 GC deliveries | Plurality 38.9% (7/18) | ||
, UK | Case series | 4 GC deliveries | Plurality 75% (1/4) | ||
(1998)*, USA | Cohort study | 95 GC deliveries 128 GC children Numbers on IVF children NA | GA, mean (SEM), weeks: PTB (<36 weeks): | Not reported | GA, mean (SEM), weeks: PTB (<36 weeks): |
, USA | Case series | 38 surrogate (traditional) deliveries, 39 surrogate (traditional) children | PTB: | Plurality: | |
, USA | Cohort study | 35 GC deliveries, 3215 fresh IVF deliveries, 431 frozen IVF deliveries, 268 donor deliveries | Plurality: | Plurality: | |
, USA | Cohort study | 51 GC deliveries, 4206 fresh IVF deliveries, 619 frozen IVF deliveries, 534 donor deliveries | Plurality: | Plurality: | |
, USA | Cohort study | 78 GC deliveries, 5101 fresh IVF deliveries, 791 frozen IVF deliveries, 716 donor deliveries | Plurality: | Plurality: | |
, USA | Cohort study | 56 GC deliveries, 4912 fresh IVF deliveries, 1076 frozen IVF deliveries, 929 donor deliveries | Plurality: | Plurality: | |
, USA | Cohort study | 45 GC deliveries, 6754 fresh IVF deliveries, 1185 fresh ICSI deliveries, 1136 frozen IVF/ICSI deliveries, 1206 fresh donor deliveries, 146 frozen donor deliveries | Plurality: | Plurality: | |
, USA | Cohort study | 187 GC deliveries, 6379 fresh IVF deliveries, 3632 fresh ICSI deliveries, 1457 frozen IVF/ICSI deliveries, 1309 fresh donor deliveries, 214 frozen donor deliveries | Plurality: | Plurality: | |
, USA | Cohort study | 187 GC deliveries, 7353 fresh IVF deliveries, 4949 fresh ICSI deliveries, 1719 frozen IVF/ICSI, 1650 fresh donor deliveries, 325 frozen donor deliveries | Plurality: | Plurality: | |
, USA | Cohort study | 235 GC deliveries, 14 789 fresh IVF deliveries, 7712 fresh ICSI deliveries, 1941 frozen IVF/ICSI, 1972 fresh donor deliveries, 410 frozen donor deliveries | Plurality: 38.2% | Plurality: | |
, USA | Cohort study | 245 GC deliveries, 16 175 fresh IVF deliveries, 8982 fresh ICSI deliveries, 1956 frozen IVF/ICSI, 2340 fresh donor deliveries, 536 frozen donor deliveries | Plurality: 36.7% | Plurality: | |
, USA | Cohort study | 382 GC deliveries, 18 793 fresh IVF/ICSI deliveries, 2324 frozen IVF/ICSI deliveries, 2920 fresh donor deliveries, 563 frozen donor deliveries | Plurality: 37.4% | Plurality: | |
, USA | Cohort study | 464 GC deliveries, 21 475 fresh IVF/ICSI deliveries, 3046 frozen IVF/ICSI deliveries, 3461 fresh donor deliveries, 770 frozen donor deliveries | Plurality: 40.9% | Plurality: | |
(1989), USA | Case series | 5 GC deliveries | Plurality: 40% (2/5) |
Author, year, country . | Study design . | Number of deliveries and children . | Result | ||
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Intervention | Control . | ||||
(1998), USA | Case series | 27 GC deliveries 33 GC children | PTB: | Plurality: | |
(2015), Canada | Case series | 133 GC deliveries 175 GC children | PTB (<37 weeks): | Plurality: | |
(2010), The Netherlands | Case series | 13 GC deliveries 16 GC children | PTB (<37 weeks): | Plurality: | |
(2005), USA | Case series | 8 GC deliveries 11 GC children | PTB (<37 weeks): | Plurality: | |
(2011), USA | Cohort study | 1180 GC singletons 49 252 fresh IVF singletons 10 785 frozen IVF singletons 10 176 fresh OD singletons | GA, mean (SD), weeks: | Not reported | GA, mean (SD), weeks: < 0.0001 |
(2000) | Case series | 18 GC deliveries | Plurality 38.9% (7/18) | ||
, UK | Case series | 4 GC deliveries | Plurality 75% (1/4) | ||
(1998)*, USA | Cohort study | 95 GC deliveries 128 GC children Numbers on IVF children NA | GA, mean (SEM), weeks: PTB (<36 weeks): | Not reported | GA, mean (SEM), weeks: PTB (<36 weeks): |
, USA | Case series | 38 surrogate (traditional) deliveries, 39 surrogate (traditional) children | PTB: | Plurality: | |
, USA | Cohort study | 35 GC deliveries, 3215 fresh IVF deliveries, 431 frozen IVF deliveries, 268 donor deliveries | Plurality: | Plurality: | |
, USA | Cohort study | 51 GC deliveries, 4206 fresh IVF deliveries, 619 frozen IVF deliveries, 534 donor deliveries | Plurality: | Plurality: | |
, USA | Cohort study | 78 GC deliveries, 5101 fresh IVF deliveries, 791 frozen IVF deliveries, 716 donor deliveries | Plurality: | Plurality: | |
, USA | Cohort study | 56 GC deliveries, 4912 fresh IVF deliveries, 1076 frozen IVF deliveries, 929 donor deliveries | Plurality: | Plurality: | |
, USA | Cohort study | 45 GC deliveries, 6754 fresh IVF deliveries, 1185 fresh ICSI deliveries, 1136 frozen IVF/ICSI deliveries, 1206 fresh donor deliveries, 146 frozen donor deliveries | Plurality: | Plurality: | |
, USA | Cohort study | 187 GC deliveries, 6379 fresh IVF deliveries, 3632 fresh ICSI deliveries, 1457 frozen IVF/ICSI deliveries, 1309 fresh donor deliveries, 214 frozen donor deliveries | Plurality: | Plurality: | |
, USA | Cohort study | 187 GC deliveries, 7353 fresh IVF deliveries, 4949 fresh ICSI deliveries, 1719 frozen IVF/ICSI, 1650 fresh donor deliveries, 325 frozen donor deliveries | Plurality: | Plurality: | |
, USA | Cohort study | 235 GC deliveries, 14 789 fresh IVF deliveries, 7712 fresh ICSI deliveries, 1941 frozen IVF/ICSI, 1972 fresh donor deliveries, 410 frozen donor deliveries | Plurality: 38.2% | Plurality: | |
, USA | Cohort study | 245 GC deliveries, 16 175 fresh IVF deliveries, 8982 fresh ICSI deliveries, 1956 frozen IVF/ICSI, 2340 fresh donor deliveries, 536 frozen donor deliveries | Plurality: 36.7% | Plurality: | |
, USA | Cohort study | 382 GC deliveries, 18 793 fresh IVF/ICSI deliveries, 2324 frozen IVF/ICSI deliveries, 2920 fresh donor deliveries, 563 frozen donor deliveries | Plurality: 37.4% | Plurality: | |
, USA | Cohort study | 464 GC deliveries, 21 475 fresh IVF/ICSI deliveries, 3046 frozen IVF/ICSI deliveries, 3461 fresh donor deliveries, 770 frozen donor deliveries | Plurality: 40.9% | Plurality: | |
(1989), USA | Case series | 5 GC deliveries | Plurality: 40% (2/5) |
GA gestational age; OD, oocyte donation; PTB, preterm birth.
*IVF children from Brinsden and Rizk (1992) .
Conclusion: Similar rates of PTB (<37 weeks) were reported after surrogacy and in pregnancies which were the result of fresh IVF. Low quality of evidence (GRADE⊕○○○).
Birthweights were recorded in three cohort studies, including a total of 1775 children, and in five case series, including a total of 252 children (Table III ). Studies came mainly from the USA, Canada and Brazil. Mean birthweight for surrogate singletons varied between 3309 and 3536 g, compared with 3100–3240 g for IVF singletons and 3226 g for OD singletons (OD comparison in only one study). In two small case series from Europe ( Soderstrom-Anttila et al., 2002 ; Dermout et al. , 2010 ) the mean birthweights of surrogate singletons were 3536 and 3498 g, respectively. Low birthweight (LBW; <2500 g) occurred in between 0 and 11.1% for surrogate singletons, in 13.6–14.0% for IVF singletons and in 14.0% for OD singletons.
Birthweight in children born after surrogacy.
Author, year, country . | Study design . | Number of deliveries and children . | Result | |
---|---|---|---|---|
Intervention . | Control . | |||
(2015), Canada | Case series | 133 GC deliveries 175 GC children | LBW (<2500 g): | |
(2010), The Netherlands | Case series | 13 GC deliveries 16 GC children | Mean birthweight in singletons: 3536 g | |
(2005), USA | Case series | 8 GC deliveries 11 GC children | LBW (<2500 g): | |
(2011), USA | Cohort study | 1180 GC singletons 49 252 fresh IVF singletons 10 785 frozen IVF singletons 10 176 fresh OD singletons | Mean (SD) birthweight: LBW (<2500 g): VLBW (<1500 g): | Mean (SD) birthweight (SD): < 0.0001 |
(1998), USA* | Cohort study | 95 GC deliveries 128 GC children numbers of IVF children NA | Mean (SEM) birthweight: LBW (<2500 g): SGA: | Mean (SEM) birthweight in IVF: LBW (<2500 g): SGA: |
, USA | Case series | 38 surrogate (traditional) deliveries, 39 surrogate (traditional) children | Mean (SEM) birthweight: LBW (<2500 g): | |
(2002), USA | Cohort study | 467 GC 33 121 fresh IVF 3779 frozen IVF 4458 fresh OD 679 frozen OD 3 389 098 SC | LBW (<2500 g): | LBW in fresh IVF: LBW in frozen IVF: LBW in fresh OD: LBW in frozen OD: |
(2002), Finland | Case series | 11 GC children | Mean birthweight: Twins: LBW (<2500 g): |
Author, year, country . | Study design . | Number of deliveries and children . | Result | |
---|---|---|---|---|
Intervention . | Control . | |||
(2015), Canada | Case series | 133 GC deliveries 175 GC children | LBW (<2500 g): | |
(2010), The Netherlands | Case series | 13 GC deliveries 16 GC children | Mean birthweight in singletons: 3536 g | |
(2005), USA | Case series | 8 GC deliveries 11 GC children | LBW (<2500 g): | |
(2011), USA | Cohort study | 1180 GC singletons 49 252 fresh IVF singletons 10 785 frozen IVF singletons 10 176 fresh OD singletons | Mean (SD) birthweight: LBW (<2500 g): VLBW (<1500 g): | Mean (SD) birthweight (SD): < 0.0001 |
(1998), USA* | Cohort study | 95 GC deliveries 128 GC children numbers of IVF children NA | Mean (SEM) birthweight: LBW (<2500 g): SGA: | Mean (SEM) birthweight in IVF: LBW (<2500 g): SGA: |
, USA | Case series | 38 surrogate (traditional) deliveries, 39 surrogate (traditional) children | Mean (SEM) birthweight: LBW (<2500 g): | |
(2002), USA | Cohort study | 467 GC 33 121 fresh IVF 3779 frozen IVF 4458 fresh OD 679 frozen OD 3 389 098 SC | LBW (<2500 g): | LBW in fresh IVF: LBW in frozen IVF: LBW in fresh OD: LBW in frozen OD: |
(2002), Finland | Case series | 11 GC children | Mean birthweight: Twins: LBW (<2500 g): |
LBW, low birthweight; SC, spontaneous conception; SGA, small for gestational age; VLBW, very low birthweight.
Two cohort studies (exact numbers of twins not available) and five case series ( n = 2–76 twins) reported on birthweight in surrogate twins. In surrogate twins, LBW occurred in 29.6–50%. In the largest cohort study, LBW occurred in 50 versus 56% in fresh IVF twins and 53.6% in fresh OD twins ( Schieve et al. , 2002 ). The other cohort study also reported on mean birthweight in surrogate twins, which was 2.7 (SD 0.06) kg as compared with 2.4 (SD 0.04) kg in IVF twins ( Parkinson et al. , 1998 ).
Conclusion: Numerically similar or lower rates of LBW were reported after surrogacy and in pregnancies resulting from fresh IVF. Low quality of evidence (GRADE⊕⊕○○).
Birth defects were reported in eight cohort studies, of which seven were annual reports from Society for Assisted Reproductive Technologies (SART), and in three case series (Table IV ). In total, data from 1238 children born after surrogacy were identified. Birth defects were reported in 0 to 6.5% of the surrogacy children, as compared to 1.1 to 2.9% for IVF children and 0.6 to 2.1% for children born after OD.
Birth defects* in children born after surrogacy.
Author, year, country . | Study design . | Number of deliveries and children . | Result | |
---|---|---|---|---|
Intervention . | Control . | |||
(1998), USA | Case series | 27 GC deliveries 30 GC children +7 ongoing GC pregnancies | One chromosomal aberration (XO/XX) in an ongoing pregnancy | |
(2015), Canada | Case series | 133 GC deliveries 175 GC children | 1.8% (3/175) birth defects (one renal, two cardiac) | |
(2010), The Netherlands | Case series | 13 GC deliveries 16 GC children | 6.3% (1/16) birth defects (spina bifida and hydrocephalus in a twin) | |
(1998), USA** | Cohort study | 95 GC deliveries 128 GC children Number of IVF children NA | Singletons: 0 major, 4.9% minor Twins: 7.4% major, 0 minor Triplets: 0 minor and 0 major | IVF singletons: 2.9% major |
, USA | Cohort study (1991) | 50 GC children | 2.6% (1/39) with structural or functional defects, 11 not reported | Fresh IVF: 1.5% Frozen IVF: 0.8% OD: 2.1% |
, USA | Cohort study (1992) | 72 GC children | 6.5% (4/62) with structural or functional defects, 10 not reported | Fresh IVF: 1.9% Frozen IVF: 1.3% OD: 1.7% |
, USA | Cohort study (1993) | 104 GC children | 2.0% (2/102) with structural or functional defects, 2 not reported | Fresh IVF: 2.3% Frozen IVF: 1.8% OD: 1.8% |
, USA | Cohort study (1994) | 70 GC children | 2.9% (2/69) with structural or functional defects, 1 not reported | Fresh IVF: 2.7% Frozen IVF: 2.6% OD: 2.1% |
, USA | Cohort study (1995) | 65 GC children | 0% (0/65) with structural or functional defects | Fresh IVF/ICSI: 1.1% Frozen IVF/ICSI: 1.0% Fresh OD: 0.6% |
, USA | Cohort study (1996) | 258 GC children | 1.6% (4/258) with structural or functional defects | Fresh IVF/ICSI: 1.8% Frozen IVF/ICSI: 1.9% Fresh OD: 1.3% |
, USA | Cohort study (1997) | 270 GC children | 1.9% (5/270) with structural or functional defects | Fresh IVF/ICSI: 1.7% Frozen IVF/ICSI: 1.8% Fresh OD: 1.9% |
Author, year, country . | Study design . | Number of deliveries and children . | Result | |
---|---|---|---|---|
Intervention . | Control . | |||
(1998), USA | Case series | 27 GC deliveries 30 GC children +7 ongoing GC pregnancies | One chromosomal aberration (XO/XX) in an ongoing pregnancy | |
(2015), Canada | Case series | 133 GC deliveries 175 GC children | 1.8% (3/175) birth defects (one renal, two cardiac) | |
(2010), The Netherlands | Case series | 13 GC deliveries 16 GC children | 6.3% (1/16) birth defects (spina bifida and hydrocephalus in a twin) | |
(1998), USA** | Cohort study | 95 GC deliveries 128 GC children Number of IVF children NA | Singletons: 0 major, 4.9% minor Twins: 7.4% major, 0 minor Triplets: 0 minor and 0 major | IVF singletons: 2.9% major |
, USA | Cohort study (1991) | 50 GC children | 2.6% (1/39) with structural or functional defects, 11 not reported | Fresh IVF: 1.5% Frozen IVF: 0.8% OD: 2.1% |
, USA | Cohort study (1992) | 72 GC children | 6.5% (4/62) with structural or functional defects, 10 not reported | Fresh IVF: 1.9% Frozen IVF: 1.3% OD: 1.7% |
, USA | Cohort study (1993) | 104 GC children | 2.0% (2/102) with structural or functional defects, 2 not reported | Fresh IVF: 2.3% Frozen IVF: 1.8% OD: 1.8% |
, USA | Cohort study (1994) | 70 GC children | 2.9% (2/69) with structural or functional defects, 1 not reported | Fresh IVF: 2.7% Frozen IVF: 2.6% OD: 2.1% |
, USA | Cohort study (1995) | 65 GC children | 0% (0/65) with structural or functional defects | Fresh IVF/ICSI: 1.1% Frozen IVF/ICSI: 1.0% Fresh OD: 0.6% |
, USA | Cohort study (1996) | 258 GC children | 1.6% (4/258) with structural or functional defects | Fresh IVF/ICSI: 1.8% Frozen IVF/ICSI: 1.9% Fresh OD: 1.3% |
, USA | Cohort study (1997) | 270 GC children | 1.9% (5/270) with structural or functional defects | Fresh IVF/ICSI: 1.7% Frozen IVF/ICSI: 1.8% Fresh OD: 1.9% |
SART, Society for assisted reproductive technology.
*Birth defects as defined by authors.
**IVF children from Brinsden and Rizk (1992) .
Conclusion: Similar rates of birth defects in singletons were reported after surrogacy and after fresh IVF and oocyte donation. Low quality of evidence (GRADE⊕⊕○○).
Eight studies, made up of six cohort studies and two case series, were identified as dealing with the psychological outcome for children born after surrogacy (Table V ). Six of these papers were published by Golombok and co-workers ( Golombok et al. , 2004 , 2006a , b , 2011 , 2013 ; Jadva et al. , 2012 ). The authors followed 42 children from 1 to 10 years of age. No major differences in psychological development were found between children born after surrogacy, children born after OD and children born after natural conception. However, at the age of 7 years children born after surrogacy showed higher levels of adjustment problems than children born after gamete donation. At the age of 10 years this difference had disappeared. In another study from the UK ( Shelton et al. , 2009 ) 21 children born after surrogacy were compared with children born after different kinds of assisted reproduction (IVF, OD, insemination and embryo donation) and followed up for between 4 and 10 years. No differences in psychological adjustment between the groups were detected. Jadva et al. (2012) investigated children's views of surrogacy at the ages of 7 and 10 years. A majority of the children had some knowledge of modes of conception. Fourteen out of 42 children had met their surrogate mothers in the past year and all were either positive or indifferent to surrogacy births. Lastly, a large case series of 110 surrogate children was reported from Brazil ( Serafini, 2001 ). Outcomes included speech delay, as well as growth and motor development. A low rate of slow physical growth was also reported. Speech delay declined with age and was 3.8% at 2 years of age. No motor delays were reported.
Development and psychological follow-up of children born after surrogacy.
Author, year, country . | Study design . | Number of children . | Methods . | Results . | Comments . |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
(2004), UK | Cohort study | 42 surrogacy children* 51 OD children 80 SC children | Follow-up at 1 year: Infant Characteristics Questionnaire | No significant difference between groups | Around 69 invited families, response rate ∼61% (42/69) |
(2006a), UK | Cohort study | 37 surrogacy children* 48 OD children 68 SC children | Follow-up at 2 years: Brief Infant Toddler Social and Emotional Assessment (BITSEA) and Mental Scale of the Bailey Scales of Infant Development (BSID II) | No significant difference between groups for BITSEA, BSID II, Developmental delay (Mental Developmental Index): Surrogacy 6%, OD 9% and SC 10%, respectively (NS) | Same cohort as . (2004), Response rate 54% (37/69), representing 88% (37/42) from . (2004) |
(2006b), UK | Cohort study | 34 surrogacy children* 41 OD children 41 DI children 67 SC children | Follow-up at 3 years: Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ) | No significant difference between groups for SDQ | Same cohort as . (2004), Response rate 49% (34/69), representing 81% (34/42) from . (2004) |
(2011), UK | Cohort study | 32 surrogacy children* 32 OD children 54 SC children | Follow-up at 7 years: SDQ | No significant difference between groups for SDQ | Same cohort as . (2004), Response rate 46% (32/69), representing 76% (32/42) from . (2004) |
(2013), UK | Cohort study | 30 surrogacy children* 31 OD children 35 DI children 53 SC children | Follow-up at 7 and 10 years: SDQ | Surrogacy children showed higher levels of adjustment problems than children conceived by gamete donation (OD + DI) at age 7. No significant difference between groups for SDQ at age 10. | Same cohort as . (2004), Response rate 43% (30/69), representing 71% (30/42) from . (2004) |
(2012), UK | Case series | 42 families created by surrogacy*, 1 year after delivery | Surrogate children's view on surrogacy at ages 7 and 10 | Majority showed some knowledge about mode of conception. 14 had seen their surrogate mother in the past year. All were positive or neutral/indifferent regarding surrogacy birth. | Age 7: 21 traditional, 12 GC, 67% (22/33) answered, representing 52% (22/42) of 1 year cohort Age 10: 21 traditional, 12 GC, 63% (21/33) answered, representing 50% (21/42) of 1 year cohort |
, Brazil | Case series | 110 GC children (63 singletons, 47 multiples) | Follow-up at 1 and 2 years: | Slow physical growth: Singletons: 1.7% (in SC up to 10%) Speech delay: Singletons: 1 year 9.4%, 2 year 3.8%. Multiples: 1 year 21.3%, 2 year 10.5%. Motor delay: Singletons and multiples 0% | Birthweight and gestational age reported in Parkinson (1998) |
(2009), UK | Cohort study | 21 GC children 386 IVF children 182 DI children 153 OD children 27 embryo donation children | Follow-up at 4–10 years: SDQ (Conduct problems, peer problems, prosocial behaviour), DuPaul ADHD rating Scale, DSM (diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders) IV (Oppositional disorders, depression and anxiety), Child Behaviour Disorders (Somatic problems), Mood and Feeling Questionnaire (MFQ) (depressive symptoms) | No significant difference between GC children and other groups for any outcomes | Unclear response rate |
Author, year, country . | Study design . | Number of children . | Methods . | Results . | Comments . |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
(2004), UK | Cohort study | 42 surrogacy children* 51 OD children 80 SC children | Follow-up at 1 year: Infant Characteristics Questionnaire | No significant difference between groups | Around 69 invited families, response rate ∼61% (42/69) |
(2006a), UK | Cohort study | 37 surrogacy children* 48 OD children 68 SC children | Follow-up at 2 years: Brief Infant Toddler Social and Emotional Assessment (BITSEA) and Mental Scale of the Bailey Scales of Infant Development (BSID II) | No significant difference between groups for BITSEA, BSID II, Developmental delay (Mental Developmental Index): Surrogacy 6%, OD 9% and SC 10%, respectively (NS) | Same cohort as . (2004), Response rate 54% (37/69), representing 88% (37/42) from . (2004) |
(2006b), UK | Cohort study | 34 surrogacy children* 41 OD children 41 DI children 67 SC children | Follow-up at 3 years: Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ) | No significant difference between groups for SDQ | Same cohort as . (2004), Response rate 49% (34/69), representing 81% (34/42) from . (2004) |
(2011), UK | Cohort study | 32 surrogacy children* 32 OD children 54 SC children | Follow-up at 7 years: SDQ | No significant difference between groups for SDQ | Same cohort as . (2004), Response rate 46% (32/69), representing 76% (32/42) from . (2004) |
(2013), UK | Cohort study | 30 surrogacy children* 31 OD children 35 DI children 53 SC children | Follow-up at 7 and 10 years: SDQ | Surrogacy children showed higher levels of adjustment problems than children conceived by gamete donation (OD + DI) at age 7. No significant difference between groups for SDQ at age 10. | Same cohort as . (2004), Response rate 43% (30/69), representing 71% (30/42) from . (2004) |
(2012), UK | Case series | 42 families created by surrogacy*, 1 year after delivery | Surrogate children's view on surrogacy at ages 7 and 10 | Majority showed some knowledge about mode of conception. 14 had seen their surrogate mother in the past year. All were positive or neutral/indifferent regarding surrogacy birth. | Age 7: 21 traditional, 12 GC, 67% (22/33) answered, representing 52% (22/42) of 1 year cohort Age 10: 21 traditional, 12 GC, 63% (21/33) answered, representing 50% (21/42) of 1 year cohort |
, Brazil | Case series | 110 GC children (63 singletons, 47 multiples) | Follow-up at 1 and 2 years: | Slow physical growth: Singletons: 1.7% (in SC up to 10%) Speech delay: Singletons: 1 year 9.4%, 2 year 3.8%. Multiples: 1 year 21.3%, 2 year 10.5%. Motor delay: Singletons and multiples 0% | Birthweight and gestational age reported in Parkinson (1998) |
(2009), UK | Cohort study | 21 GC children 386 IVF children 182 DI children 153 OD children 27 embryo donation children | Follow-up at 4–10 years: SDQ (Conduct problems, peer problems, prosocial behaviour), DuPaul ADHD rating Scale, DSM (diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders) IV (Oppositional disorders, depression and anxiety), Child Behaviour Disorders (Somatic problems), Mood and Feeling Questionnaire (MFQ) (depressive symptoms) | No significant difference between GC children and other groups for any outcomes | Unclear response rate |
ADHD, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder; DI, donor insemination.
*Mix of traditional and gestational carrier surrogacy.
Conclusion: Up to the age of 10 years there were no major psychological differences between children born after surrogacy and children born after other types of ART, or after natural conception. Low quality of evidence (GRADE⊕⊕○○).
Sixteen studies, eight cohort studies, six case series and two qualitative studies including between 8 and 61 surrogate mothers, examined psychological outcome ( Supplementary Table SIV ). No serious psychopathology among the surrogate mothers was noted. The motives for surrogacy were mostly altruistic but financial reasons were also noted. The rate of immediate post-partum depression was between 0 and 20% ( Parkinson et al. , 1998 ; Soderstrom-Anttila et al., 2002 ; Jadva et al. , 2003 ; van den Akker, 2007 , Imrie and Jadva, 2014 ). Six studies assessed relinquishing issues. In one study from the UK ( Jadva et al. , 2003 ) including 34 surrogate mothers, 35% initially had some/moderate difficulties handing over the child. One year on, 6% still reported some negative feelings related to relinquishment. The majority of the surrogates in this study were traditional surrogates. In two other studies relinquishing the child was a problem in 1/33 and 1/15, respectively ( Blyth, 1994 ; Pashmi et al. , 2010 ).
In studies which assessed contact between the surrogate mother and the intended mother/family, in the vast majority of cases contact was harmonious and regular, both during pregnancy and after birth ( Jadva et al. , 2003 ; Imrie and Jadva, 2014 ). The frequency of contacts decreased over time while the quality of the relationship seemed to continue to a similar degree, also after 10 years ( Jadva et al. , 2012 , 2015 ). One study assessed the psychological well-being, family relationships and experiences of the surrogates’ own children, born prior to the surrogacy arrangements ( Jadva and Imrie, 2014 ). The children whose mother had been a surrogate between 5 and 15 years earlier did not experience any negative consequences as a result of their mother's decision to be a surrogate, irrespective of whether the surrogate mother had used her own oocytes or not ( Jadva and Imrie, 2014 ).
Conclusion: Most surrogate mothers are within the normal range on personality tests. Most psychosocial variables were satisfactory, although relinquishing problems sometimes occurred. Very low quality of evidence (GRADE⊕○○○).
We identified 16 studies, 11 cohort studies, four case series and one qualitative study that reported on outcomes for the intended mothers and their families ( Supplementary Table SV ). Most studies were from the UK, seven from Golombok and co-workers ( Golombok et al. , 2004 , 2006a , b , 2011 , 2013 ; Blake et al. , 2012 ; Jadva et al. , 2012 ). No major differences in the parents’ psychological states or mother-child interactions were observed in groups made up of commissioning mothers, mothers who had received OD and mothers who had conceived naturally. The mothers’ and fathers’ marital quality was compared at five time points between different family types when the children were between 1 and 10 years of age ( Blake et al. , 2012 ). The mothers and fathers of children born through surrogacy had similar marital satisfaction as parents in gamete donation families. When the children were 2 years old the mothers in natural conception families had higher levels of marital satisfaction than their counterparts in ART families. This difference had disappeared when the children were 3, 7 and 10 years ( Blake et al. , 2012 ). In families with a 2-year-old child born through surrogacy fathers reported lower levels of parenting stress than their natural conception counterparts ( Golombok et al. , 2006a ).
Four studies were reported by another UK group ( van den Akker, 2000 , 2005a , b , 2007 ). Genetic links were found to be more important to mothers whose children were the result of gestational surrogacy than those who had children after traditional surrogacy. These differences were observed both during pregnancy and after birth. In a study from the Netherlands ( Dermout et al. , 2010 ) more than 500 couples enquired about surrogacy by telephone or e-mail, but only 35 couples actually entered the IVF programme. After this extensive screening, no negative or harmful consequences were detected among the parties involved. This meant that there were no problems in accepting even a disabled child. Disclosure of surrogacy to the children was recorded in one study. In 29 out of 33 families, disclosure to the child had been made by the age of 7 years ( Readings et al. , 2011 ). In three other studies, 97–100% of parents aimed to tell the child about the surrogacy ( Blyth, 1995 ; van den Akker, 2000 ; MacCallum et al. , 2003 ).
Conclusion: There were no major differences in the psychological states of mothers of children who were the product of surrogacies, mothers of children conceived after other types of ART and mothers of children who were conceived naturally. Low quality of evidence (GRADE⊕⊕○○).
This systematic review summarizes the published literature on surrogacy, including both medical and psychological outcomes for surrogate mothers, intended parents and the children born after surrogate arrangements. Although these arrangements, including gestational carrier programmes, have been carried out since the late 1980s, research on outcomes for the parties involved is very limited. Most studies have significant methodological limitations, such as small sample size. Also, for the studies on psychological follow-up in particular, a low response rate is noted, introducing a risk of selection bias. The research literature on surrogacy is sparse for many reasons. It is believed that financial support for such controversial research is difficult to secure and that it is difficult to track the number of children born, especially those born as a result of traditional surrogacy. Furthermore, given the social stigma associated with surrogacy arrangements, it is thought that intended parents are perhaps unwilling to sacrifice their privacy to participate in research in the field ( Ciccarelli and Beckman, 2005 ).
One objection to allowing surrogacy is that the woman carrying the child will be exposed to unexpected health risks related to the pregnancy and delivery. Only five studies have looked into the risks of pregnancy complications; four of these involved gestational and one traditional surrogacy. The incidence of HDP was between 4.3 and 10% in singleton gestational carrier pregnancies compared to between 16 and 40% usually reported in OD pregnancies ( Parkinson et al. , 1998 ; Dar et al. , 2015 ; van der Hoorn et al., 2010 ). The high frequency of HDP noted in OD pregnancies has been associated with the fact that the oocyte recipient is immunologically unrelated to the donor ( van der Hoorn et al., 2010 ). In theory, the same situation occurs in gestational surrogacy, as in such cases the entire fetal genome is allogeneic to the carrier. Based on the few reports on GC outcome available, there has been speculation that a healthy carrier with a normal reproductive background might somehow compensate for atypical immunological reactions related to a foreign embryo, and that the surrogates might have a more hospitable uterine environment than infertile oocyte recipients ( Gibbons et al. , 2011 ). Although the number of cases studied is small, the lower HDP rate in surrogate mothers, most of whom have already experienced normal pregnancies and deliveries, supports the view of a connection between nulliparity and HDP ( Parkinson et al. , 1998 ).
The duration of singleton surrogacy pregnancies was similar to or shorter than that of singleton standard IVF pregnancies, and the incidence of preterm birth (<37 weeks) was, in general, numerically lower than in standard IVF singletons. The shorter mean gestational age seen in one study is interesting as the rate of obstetric complications in general was low and, according to selection criteria for surrogate mothers, they should previously have experienced uncomplicated pregnancies ( Gibbons et al. , 2011 ). The articles give no information on the rate of induction of labour or the rate of Caesarean section performed for non-medical reasons. The surrogate mother might also have had one of a number of risk factors, as reported in the early paper by Reame and Parker (1990) in which the profiles of 66% of the traditional surrogate mothers had risk factors, including smoking or having had no previous deliveries. These factors may have had implications for pregnancy length.
There were three reports of hysterectomies related to delivery, two of which occurred in multiple pregnancies, in a twin and a triplet pregnancy. The third hysterectomy occurred in a singleton pregnancy after uterine rupture in a gestational carrier with three previous, full-term, normal vaginal deliveries, indicating that there are always potential maternal risks, even if the carrier has no obstetric risk factors in her case history.
One of the cornerstones in surrogacy arrangements is the importance of choosing the surrogate mother with extreme caution. To minimize the medical risks to the surrogate mother recommendations drawn up by expert groups in ESHRE, ASRM and FIGO should be followed. Gestational carrier candidates, who have had previous adverse obstetric outcomes should not be accepted. The pregnancy history of the surrogate candidate might be more predictive of obstetric complications than her age ( Duffy et al. , 2005 ). Furthermore, the risk of almost all maternal complications is increased by multiple pregnancies (HDP, haemorrhage during pregnancy and delivery, preterm labour and delivery, operative delivery). To avoid unnecessary endangerment of the health of the surrogate and the future child it is strongly recommended that only one embryo at a time is transferred to the surrogate ( Shenfield et al. , 2005 ).
The most important concern related to surrogacy treatment is anxiety about possible harmful medical and psychological consequences for the child. For infants born after surrogacy, perinatal outcome has been satisfactory. The mean birthweight of gestational carrier singleton children was higher than average and the incidence of LBW was low (Table III ). This positive outcome is probably because in surrogacy pregnancies the pregnant women have better reproductive health than infertile women with a history of reproductive illness. As in standard IVF and OD treatments, the rate of PTB and LBW in multiple births in gestational carriers was high, at between 30 and 100%. This underlines the importance of avoiding multiple pregnancies in surrogacy arrangements.
Two papers give the incidence of birth defects as 6% ( SART 1994 ; Dermout et al. , 2010 ). However, all SART reports from 1995 onwards, and including much higher numbers of children, showed a lower rate of birth defects, at between 0 and 2.9%, which was comparable to SART data for standard IVF and OD treatments. Another Dutch study by Dermout included only 13 deliveries out of which one twin baby had severe malformations ( Dermout et al. , 2010 ). Published studies show that the risk of birth defects in infants born after surrogate pregnancies is similar to risks after IVF and OD treatment.
Follow-ups of the psychological development of older children belonging to the surrogate group are very limited and almost all studies come from the UK. An initial group of 42 surrogacy children was followed up for 10 years from the age of 1 year. Of the children, 71% were still participating in the study at the age of 10 years. Through the years the children's psychological adjustment was normal and comparable to that of OD and naturally conceived children. The higher levels of adjustment problems noted in surrogacy children at 7 years of age proved to be temporary and had disappeared 3 years later. Good psychological adjustment in surrogacy children was also reported by Shelton and associates ( Shelton et al. , 2009 ). It is possible that families and children taking part in these studies are not representative of the outcome in general, but the studies from the UK following these families for up to 10 years are the largest and most representative samples so far collected.
The research literature on psychological implications for surrogate mothers and intended parents is sparse and the heterogeneity of the groups of surrogate mothers included in published studies makes it impossible to drawn any firm conclusions about this group. Some of the studies examine commercial and others altruistic non-paid surrogates. Other studies include both gestational and traditional arrangements where the surrogate might be unknown, or known, to the intended couple.
An interesting question relates to the characteristics which make women willing to act as surrogates. Do these women have some special traits which set them apart? Again, non-representative samples, a lack of control groups and ambiguous comparisons with test norms make it difficult to reach firm conclusions ( Ciccarelli and Beckman, 2005 ). A cautious summary of published research indicates that the psychological profiles and characteristics of most surrogate mothers are in the normal range of personality tests ( Pizitz et al ., 2013 ). However, it has been suggested that some characteristics of surrogate mothers make them more flexible regarding moral and ethical principles to do with traditional family values and the meaning of motherhood ( Kleinpeter and Hohman, 2000 ; Ciccarelli and Beckman, 2005 ).
The primary motivation reported by surrogate mothers is altruistic concern for infertile couples. Money was named as a prime motive by only a small number of the women. However, financial interests are probably also present in many cases where the main motivation is reported to be empathy for childless couples ( Braverman and Corson, 1992 ; Blyth, 1994 ; Kleinpeter and Hohman, 2000 ; Hohman and Hagan, 2001 ; Baslington, 2002 ; Jadva et al. , 2003 ; van den Akker, 2003 ; Pashmi et al. , 2010 ).
Surrogate mothers generally report being satisfied with their experiences ( Jadva et al. , 2003 ). The frequency of post-partum depression seems to be low. Important factors that determine the surrogate mother's satisfaction after the birth of the baby have been related to the quality of the relationship with the intended couple, especially the intended mother, and circumstances to do with the relinquishment of the child ( Blyth, 1994 ; Hohman and Hagan, 2001 ; MacCallum et al. , 2003 ). One reason for regarding surrogacy as problematic and controversial is the risk of dispute between the surrogacy mother and the intended parents as to custody of the child. What if the surrogate mother decides to keep the child or the intended parents are not willing to welcome a disabled child? There have been reports highlighted in the media about situations when problems arise, such as the Baby M case and more recently the case of Baby Gammy ( Peterson, 1987 ; BBC News Asia, 2014 ; Schover, 2014 ; Topping and Foster, 2014 ). Baby M was born in 1986 as a result of traditional surrogacy and after the birth the surrogate mother decided to keep the child. In court, the genetic father was awarded legal custody, with the surrogate mother having visiting rights.
Follow-up studies show that generally there were no significant difficulties for the surrogate mothers to hand over the children to the intended parents ( Fischer and Gillman, 1991 ; Blyth, 1994 ; Baslington, 2002 ; Jadva et al. , 2003 ; van den Akker, 2003 ; Pashmi et al. , 2010 ). It has been suggested that surrogate mothers may not view the child they are carrying as theirs, thereby facilitating relinquishment ( Jadva et al. , 2003 ; van den Akker, 2003 ; Ahmari Tehran et al ., 2014; , Lorenceau et al ., 2015 ). However, in a minority of cases the woman experienced some difficulties in giving up the child. The reasons for these problems have not been reported, but it might have to do with insufficient screening of the surrogate mothers or, for example, lack of emotional support. Furthermore, it was not always clear whether the child was the result of traditional or gestational surrogacy. There is evidence to suggest that where the surrogate mother has a genetic link to the child the potential for disputes between the parties is increased ( Trowse, 2011 ).
Recently, the case of Baby Gammy has made international news. The intended Australian parents of twins born to a Thai surrogate mother did not accept baby Gammy, who had Down syndrome. They took baby Gammy's healthy sister back to Australia leaving the critically ill baby Gammy with the surrogate mother. Fortunately, such cases are rare events. In Western countries, the risk that the intended parents involved in gestational surrogacy would not want to welcome their own child must be estimated as small ( Brinsden, 2003 ). Those couples, who after screening and counselling are committed to going further with this time-consuming and complicated treatment, are in general highly motivated to become parents. However, pretreatment counselling is extremely important and requires high attention. It should include descriptions of all the risks and benefits of gestational surrogacy as well as information on the rights and responsibilities of all parties.
In general, at least in countries where surrogacy is legal, a large majority of the intended parents plan to inform their child about the method of conception ( van den Akker, 2000 ; MacCallum et al. , 2003 ; Readings et al., 2011 ). In this respect the surrogacy families are more open with their children than families created through other forms of ART, for example OD and donor insemination ( Söderström-Anttila et al. , 2010 ; Readings et al. , 2011 ; Sälevaara et al. , 2013 ). Genetically related surrogate mothers have been shown to be more likely than genetically unrelated surrogate mothers to wish the child to be told about the surrogacy arrangement ( Jadva et al. , 2003 ). Continuation of contact between the family and the surrogate mother will depend on whether the child has been informed or not. The type of surrogacy has been shown to be associated with the frequency of contact with the child's parents, with the parties involved in traditional surrogacy arrangements maintaining less frequent contact than those involved in gestational surrogacy ( Jadva et al. , 2012 ; Imrie and Jadva, 2014 ). Most families created by surrogacy have reported a harmonious relationship with the surrogate mother ( Kleinpeter, 2002 ; Imrie and Jadva, 2014 ). Again, this refers to countries that have regulated surrogacy. In cross-country surrogacy, there are no studies on the relationship between the intended parents and the surrogate mother, who might even be unknown to the commissioning couple.
Surrogacy arrangements have been used by same-sex men to become fathers, as it allows one of the couple's spermatozoa to provide a genetic link to the child and an opportunity to raise the child from birth ( Norton et al. , 2013 ). However, there is very limited research on gay men and surrogacy. A few studies have addressed questions of counselling, decision-making and the significance of biogenetic paternity to gay male couples becoming parents through surrogacy ( Greenfeld and Seli, 2011 ; Dempsey, 2013 ; Norton et al. , 2013 ). Outcomes for the children and the families have not been reported.
It is obvious that surrogacy involves deep ethical considerations. Normally the person who wants the child takes the medical risks of the pregnancy. In surrogacy arrangements the carrier takes the risks. Relationships between the parties may change during the procedure and disagreements between the intended parents and the carrier may occur over issues related to the pregnancy and the relinquishment of the child. However, in Western countries, many of these risks can be minimized by careful counselling and psychological support. This should be offered to all parties, not only before and during the treatment, but also after the child has been born. Emotional and legal support can best be offered in the home country of the partners involved. The risks of conflicts between the intended parents and the surrogate mother will probably rise in line with increasing cross-border ‘reproductive tourism’ and the lack of regulations in countries with commercial surrogacy. Ethical issues specific to the engaging of surrogate mothers from low and middle income countries include questions about custody rights, limits of surrogacy care, remuneration, multiple embryo transfer, medical advocacy and the exploitation of poor women ( Deonandan et al. , 2012 ). In commercial cross-border surrogacy, it might be argued that children are transformed into something one can buy. If wealthy couples go to poor countries to find a surrogate mother, that woman might be put under pressure to live under certain conditions while she is being paid. The woman might also agree to enter into a surrogacy arrangement simply because of her poor financial situation. These are strong arguments against commercial surrogacy and these are situations which do not arise in altruistic surrogacy.
It seems clear there is a growing practice of surrogacy treatments worldwide and that many of these arrangements cross national borders. During the last years, prohibition of surrogacy treatment has led to critical discussion in several European countries. It is an ethical dilemma that couples have to turn to the commercial surrogacy industry abroad to receive help for their infertility problem. In Iceland the Government has, at time of writing, prepared a law proposing legalization of altruistic gestational surrogacy. Recently, the National Advisory Board on Social Welfare and Health Care Ethics in Finland (ETENE, www.etene.fi ) and Swedish Medical Advisory Board in Ethics (SMER; www.smer.se ) have suggested that surrogacy treatments should be allowed in restricted medical situations. Details of the current legal regime of surrogacy in European Union (EU) member states, as well as reports on solutions of legal implications of cross-border surrogacy, can be found in papers published by the EU and Hague Convention on Private International Law ( Brunet et al. , 2013 ; http://www.hcch.net/index ).
The major strength of this review is the comprehensive appraisal of the literature regarding outcome for the children as well as outcomes for the surrogate and intended mothers, and including both medical and psychological variables. Limitations are the lack of high quality studies. Most studies have significant methodological limitations such as small sample size, lack of controls and a low response rate. Gestational and traditional surrogacy was not always separated in the studies. To date there are no studies on children growing up with gay fathers. There are no follow-up studies on families created via commercial cross-border surrogacy in countries such as India, Russia and Ukraine, where surrogacy seems to be increasing.
Most studies reporting on surrogacy have serious methodological limitations. According to these studies most surrogacy arrangements are successfully implemented, and most surrogate mothers are well motivated and have little difficulty separating from children born as a result of the arrangement. The perinatal outcome of the children is comparable to standard IVF and OD and there is no evidence of harm to the children born as a result of surrogacy. However, these conclusions should be interpreted with caution. We have not found any publications on outcome for families and surrogate mothers involved in commercial cross-country surrogacy in less well developed countries where surrogacy is a growing industry. Furthermore, there are no studies on children growing up with gay fathers. Long-term follow-up studies on surrogacy children and families will be needed in the future.
Supplementary data are available at http://humupd.oxfordjournals.org/ .
All authors contributed substantially to conception and design of the study. C.B., U.-B.W. and V.S.-A. selected and appraised the articles. V.S.-A., C.B. and U.-B.W. wrote the article. All authors revised the article critically and approved the final version.
The Nordic Expert group's research work was unconditionally supported by MSD in Finland, Norway and Denmark and by an agreement concerning research and the education of doctors (ALFGBG-70 940).
The authors confirm that they have no conflict of interest in relation to this work.
The authors wish to thank librarian Therese Svanberg for searching of literature and Gwyneth Olofsson for correction of the English language.
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What is surrogacy, who uses surrogate mothers, how do you find a surrogate mother, read this next, 1. surrogacy agencies, 2. a friend or family member, what happens once you find a surrogate mother, what is the process of surrogacy, how much does hiring a surrogate mother cost, does insurance cover surrogacy, what are the possible risks of using a surrogate mother, what are the legal implications of using a surrogate mother, can a surrogate mother change her mind and keep the baby.
Despite its cost and legal obstacles, surrogacy is an option to consider for hopeful parents who aren’t able to carry a pregnancy themselves.
What to Expect Before You're Expecting , 2nd edition, Heidi Murkoff. What to Expect When You’re Expecting , 5th edition, Heidi Murkoff. WhatToExpect.com, In Vitro Fertilization , April 2020. WhatToExpect.com, How the Artificial Insemination Process Works , March 2019. WhatToExpect.com, Infertility , 2020. WhatToExpect.com, Why Can’t I Get Pregnant? , September 2020. American Academy of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, Family Building Through Gestational Surrogacy , March 2016. American Society for Reproductive Medicine, Consideration of the Gestational Carrier: an Ethics Committee Opinion , November 2018. American Society for Reproductive Medicine, Gestational Carrier (Surrogate) , 2012. Society For Assisted Reproductive Technology, Prerequisite Testing , 2020. Mayo Clinic, Intrauterine Insemination (IUI) , July 2019. Resolve, Legal Aspects of Domestic Gestational Carrier Agreements , 2020. Resolve, Surrogacy Myths and Facts , 2020. Columbia University, Surrogacy Law and Policy in the U.S.: A National Conversation Informed by Global Lawmaking , May 2016. Family Equality, What’s a Second Parent Adoption? , May 2019.
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surrogate motherhood , practice in which a woman (the surrogate mother) bears a child for a couple unable to produce children in the usual way, usually because the wife is infertile or otherwise unable to undergo pregnancy . In so-called traditional surrogacy, the surrogate mother is impregnated through artificial insemination with the sperm of the husband. In gestational surrogacy, the wife’s ova and the husband’s sperm are subjected to in vitro fertilization , and the resulting embryo is implanted in the surrogate mother. Normally, in either procedure, the surrogate gives up all parental rights, but this has been subject to legal challenge.
The practice of surrogate motherhood, though not unknown in previous times, came to international attention in the mid-1970s when a reduction in the number of children available for adoption and the increasing specialization of techniques in human embryology made such methods a viable alternative to lengthy and uncertain adoption procedures or childlessness. Surrogate motherhood has raised a number of issues—such as the matter of payment for services (which, taken to the extreme, has implications of making children a commodity) and the rights of all of the individuals involved should any aspect of the procedure go awry.
Table of Contents
The life of a surrogate is marked by a unique blend of altruism and the profound impact of assisting others in their journey to parenthood. From the initial decision to explore surrogacy, surrogates embark on a comprehensive process that involves thorough screenings, interviews, and matching with Intended Parents. Once matched, the surrogate undergoes medical evaluations and legal processes to ensure a clear and comprehensive agreement, setting the foundation for a collaborative and well-supported surrogacy journey. The life of a surrogate is often a transformative and emotionally rich journey, driven by the noble desire to help others build the families they dream of. Many surrogates also find that surrogacy helps them achieve personal or financial goals, in addition to the altruistic rewards.
Many women decide to become surrogates out of a desire to help others experience parenthood. This decision often arises from a combination of empathy, compassion, and a willingness to contribute to the joy of starting a family .
Surrogates must do their own research prior to getting too far ahead of themselves to understand the basic medical and legal requirements . Any prospective surrogates will eventually be cleared by medical and legal professionals.
Either via an agency, friends groups, or self-matching via a site like SurrogacyPlace.com , a surrogate will interview prospective Intended Parents in hopes of matching. This process involves mutual selection, where both parties get to know each other through interviews and sharing information about their reasons for pursuing surrogacy, medical history, and details about their families. It’s crucial for both the surrogate and Intended Parents to feel comfortable with the match.
Once a match is made, the surrogate undergoes medical and psychological evaluations. These assessments ensure that she is physically and emotionally prepared for the surrogacy journey. The Intended Parents may also undergo similar screenings.
The medical and psychological screenings for surrogates play a crucial role in ensuring the well-being of the surrogate throughout the surrogacy journey. The medical evaluation involves a comprehensive assessment of the surrogate’s health and reproductive history. This includes a detailed examination of her reproductive organs, hormone levels, and overall physical health. Surrogates typically undergo fertility treatments to synchronize their menstrual cycles with the intended mother or egg donor, preparing their bodies for embryo transfer . The medical screenings aim to identify any potential health concerns, ensuring that the surrogate is physically capable of carrying a pregnancy to term.
In addition to medical evaluations, psychological screenings are a vital component of the surrogacy process . Surrogates undergo psychological assessments conducted by mental health professionals experienced in reproductive issues. These assessments explore the surrogate’s mental and emotional well-being, ensuring she is prepared for the emotional challenges that may arise during the surrogacy journey. Psychologists may assess the surrogate’s understanding of the emotional aspects of surrogacy, her support system, and her ability to cope with potential stressors. This ensures that the surrogate is mentally resilient and prepared to navigate the complexities of carrying a child for another family.
The combination of medical and psychological screenings serves to create a comprehensive profile of the surrogate, addressing both her physical and emotional suitability for surrogacy. These screenings not only benefit the surrogate, but also contribute to the overall success and well-being of the Intended Parents and any unborn child. The thorough evaluation process helps establish a foundation of trust between the surrogate and Intended Parents, fostering a supportive and collaborative environment for the entire surrogacy journey.
The legal phase of a surrogacy journey is a critical aspect that ensures the rights , responsibilities, and expectations of all parties involved, including the surrogate. Once a suitable match is made and medical clearances are obtained, the legal process begins with the drafting, reviewing, and finalization of legal contracts . Surrogates have their own legal representation (paid for by Intended Parents) to ensure their interests are protected throughout the journey.
Legal contracts in surrogacy cover a wide range of topics, including compensation , medical decisions, potential risks , and the Intended Parents’ rights and responsibilities. The contracts also outline the surrogate’s obligations and commitments during the pregnancy. The goal is to create a clear and comprehensive agreement that protects all parties and minimizes the potential for legal disputes.
During the legal phase, surrogates may work closely with their attorneys to fully understand the terms of the contract and to address any concerns or questions they may have. This phase ensures that the surrogate is fully aware of her rights and responsibilities, providing a legal framework that supports a smooth and well-defined surrogacy journey. Legal professionals play a crucial role in facilitating open communication between the surrogate and Intended Parents, fostering a relationship built on trust and mutual understanding.
After the birth of a child, additional legal steps may be required to establish parentage. Depending on jurisdiction, surrogates may need to play a part in the legal processes designed to ensure the Intended Parents are legally recognized as the child’s legal parents .
Overall, the legal phase of a surrogacy journey is designed to protect the rights of all parties involved.
The medical process that surrogates undergo is a carefully orchestrated series of procedures designed to optimize the chances of a successful pregnancy. The surrogate is prescribed hormonal medications to prepare her uterus for implantation. The embryo transfer then takes place with the hopes that implantation will occur.
Throughout the medical process, surrogates receive close monitoring and support from fertility specialists and healthcare professionals. Regular check-ups, ultrasounds, and hormonal assessments are conducted to track the progress of the pregnancy. The goal is to ensure the surrogate’s health and the well-being of the developing fetus. The medical process is a collaborative effort involving the surrogate, Intended Parents, and medical professionals, working together to achieve a successful and healthy pregnancy.
Once the embryo is successfully implanted, marking that the surrogate is pregnant, she enters a phase of comprehensive prenatal care. Regular check-ups, conducted by her obstetrician-gynecologist (OB-GYN) , become a crucial aspect of ensuring the surrogate’s health and monitoring the progress of the pregnancy. These appointments include ultrasounds, hormonal assessments, and other routine prenatal tests to track the development of the fetus and address any potential health concerns. The surrogate’s physical and emotional well-being are prioritized throughout this period, with the medical team providing the necessary guidance and support to optimize the chances of a healthy and successful pregnancy.
The involvement of the Intended Parents during the prenatal care phase varies based on mutual preferences. Many Intended Parents choose to actively participate in medical appointments, allowing them to witness the milestones of the pregnancy and stay informed about the well-being of their future child. This collaborative approach fosters a sense of shared responsibility and connection between the surrogate and the Intended Parents, creating a supportive environment for the duration of the surrogacy journey. Open communication and shared experiences during prenatal care contribute to the overall positive and fulfilling nature of the surrogacy process.
The culmination of the surrogacy journey is marked by the surrogate giving birth, a momentous event that is often attended by the Intended Parents. The presence of the Intended Parents during the delivery allows them to be actively involved in the birthing experience and witness the joyous arrival of their child. This shared moment becomes a significant bonding experience, reinforcing the collaborative nature of the surrogacy journey. The surrogate’s contribution is acknowledged and celebrated, creating a meaningful connection between the surrogate and the Intended Parents.
Post-birth , the nature of the relationship between the surrogate and the Intended Parents varies widely. Some parties choose to maintain a close connection, continuing to share updates, photos, and milestones of the child’s life. This ongoing relationship is often built on mutual respect and appreciation for the surrogate’s role in helping the Intended Parents achieve parenthood. On the other hand, some surrogates and Intended Parents may prefer a more distant relationship, with communication limited to essential updates. Regardless of the level of connection, open communication is essential to navigate post-surrogacy dynamics successfully. Clear expectations, boundaries, and mutual understanding contribute to a positive post-surrogacy relationship, allowing all parties to reflect on the journey with gratitude and satisfaction.
Why do women decide to become surrogates.
Many women decide to become surrogates out of a desire to help others experience parenthood. This altruistic decision often stems from a combination of empathy, compassion, and a genuine willingness to contribute to the joy of starting a family.
Surrogates can be matched with intended parents through agencies, friends groups, or self-matching platforms like SurrogacyPlace.com. The matching process involves interviews, sharing information about medical history and reasons for pursuing surrogacy, ensuring both parties feel comfortable with the match.
What medical and psychological screenings do surrogates undergo?
Surrogates undergo comprehensive medical evaluations, including assessments of reproductive health and fertility treatments to prepare for embryo transfer. Psychological screenings ensure surrogates are emotionally prepared for the journey, assessing their understanding of surrogacy’s emotional aspects and support systems.
The legal phase includes drafting, reviewing, and finalizing contracts that cover compensation, medical decisions, and the rights and responsibilities of all parties. Surrogates have their own legal representation to protect their interests. Post-birth, legal processes may be required to establish parentage, ensuring the intended parents are legally recognized.
The medical process involves synchronization of menstrual cycles, fertility treatments, embryo transfer, and careful monitoring of the surrogate’s health through regular check-ups, ultrasounds, and hormonal assessments. The goal is to optimize the chances of a successful and healthy pregnancy.
During prenatal care, Intended Parents may actively participate in medical appointments, fostering a shared responsibility and connection with the surrogate. Open communication and shared experiences contribute to a positive and fulfilling surrogacy journey.
The surrogate gives birth, often attended by the Intended Parents. Post-birth, the relationship between the surrogate and Intended Parents varies. Some maintain a close connection, sharing updates and milestones, while others prefer a more distant relationship. Open communication is key to navigating post-surrogacy dynamics successfully.
Bridget Myers grew up in small town in Maryland. She started her career as a substitute teacher before meeting the love of her life and moving to the suburbs of Chicago. She has a passion for dogs and painting. Bridget got involved in Surrogacy Place after researching surrogacy for her best friend. Since joining the team at Surrogacy Place, she has developed a passion for advocating on behalf of Intended Parents and surrogates and doing her part for meaningful reform in the industry.
Surrogacy Place is an online matching service that allows people seeking surrogacy services and surrogates to find each other based on criteria that’s important to both sides. We are an alternative to surrogacy agencies. Our mission is to connect American and foreign Intended Parents (IPs) with US-based surrogates. READ MORE
© 2024 Surrogacy Place.
Family is a very important unit of human race. Motherhood and family are two interrelated terms, as through family motherhood is able to fulfill the roles ascribed the society (Teman 2008). In that sense, family is the only continuation of our existence. Without a family, the entire human race is threatened with extinction. Families that cannot have children are at high risk of becoming extinct when the two partners die off. From an evolutionary point of view, motherhood can be seen as a very important unit in the society.
According to the theory of Natural Selection by Charles Darwin, in an environment where there is a competition for limited resources, only the fittest individuals survive, where individuals with suitable characteristics are selected against those who are not able to adapt. This law has been quite often referred to as survival for the fittest. According to this theory, couples who are unable of bearing children are at risk of becoming extinct in their generation, as they lack the ability to pass their genetic material. Therefore, surrogate motherhood in this case can be of use as a vital process that can facilitate the transfer of genes to another generation.
Accordingly, this process provides the means through which couples that are not able to bear children to compete with other capable couples. In this case, surrogate motherhood can be viewed as a fair and ethical practice that enables such people to make families (Vasanti Jadva et al. 2003). From a genetic point of view, surrogate motherhood is an arrangement that enables the transfer of genes in families that are incapable of doing so. In that sense, Surrogate motherhood is an important process that brings variability in the human race instead of letting genes disappear simply because the inability of the couple to reproduce. Variability in the genetic combination of the child is a very unique phenomenon, in a sense that it can bring about the occurrence of desirable traits which were not present in parents. Such desirable genes are present in the surrogate mother and they can be admired by other parents, where the desirable traits can be different in terms of physical attributes such as height, skin color, IQ and many others (Teman 2008).
In psychology, according to Maslow’s hierarchy of needs, there comes a time in life when achieving self actualization and satisfaction implies the need for children. The lack of satisfaction of such needs can lead to undesirable behavior. Children in that sense can become an essential factor in achieving self satisfaction in couples. Childless couples have higher risk of separation than those who formed a family with children.
If couples do not consider themselves in a position that allows them to bear children themselves, a surrogate arrangement can be the only way of creating a full family. Accordingly, having children they can achieve the aforementioned satisfaction in their life. Thus, surrogate motherhood becomes a marriage savior for families threatened with separation and divorce because of the inability of one of the partners to bear children. For the purpose of protecting the institution of family and marriage, surrogate motherhood is a very vital human arrangement.
Research studies have continued to indicate that infertility is a common course of disintegration in most marriages. The pressure to bear children can be originated from different angles, as it is quite inevitable to avoid these pressures because we all live in a society that affect our beliefs and values. The society acknowledges that a family without children cannot stand and compete among the others. Based on such acknowledgements and systems of belief, it becomes very difficult for affected couples to find a purpose if they cannot reproduce. Surrogacy therefore, becomes a very essential alternative for such partners to fulfill their marital responsibilities (MacCallum, Fiona et al. 2003).
According to the Holy Bible, Christians believe that it is the will of God for the people to propagate in the world. Therefore, by marrying, forming a family, and giving birth to children people are fulfilling the will of God. For those who are unable of fulfilling this will in a “traditional” way, surrogacy as a mean for parenting is an acceptable way of fulfilling God’s will.
From a Christian perspective, there is no commandment that is disobeyed by engaging in surrogate motherhood, as it does not contradict the teachings of the Bible. Without this alternative the affected people might think that they have been denied the opportunity to bear children and fulfill the will of God, and the dream of some people to have children would be completely shattered (MacCallum, Fiona et al. 2003).
Nevertheless, there are some isolated cases in surrogacy where exploitation manifested itself in both parties. Without proper legal framework, the arrangement of surrogate motherhood can be abused by some people. For instance, surrogate mothers can take advantage of childless couples by exploiting them financially after giving birth to their children. Such incident would not occur when surrogate motherhood is practiced within a proper legal framework.
There were also issues regarding the exploitation of the surrogate mother, where cases of inadequate compensations for conceiving and giving birth after the children were taken from their surrogate mothers (Rae et al 1993).
Additionally, there are also some genetic shortcomings that have been associated with surrogacy. This concerns some undesirable behaviors in children who are products of surrogacy. Some couples can express disappointments especially with traits such as criminal tendencies in children sired by surrogate mothers, where such incidents can be major challenges in the practice of surrogate motherhood.
Despite these isolated incidences, couples that have infertility related problems can still find solace in surrogate motherhood instead of going for other alternatives like polygamy or divorce that are characterized with deceit and lack of true love. As recognition of the fact that infertility is an unfortunate incidence in people’s life, surrogate motherhood should be left as an alternative that will enable these couples to make families. (Teman 2008) Such practice is an alternative that addresses the needs of those who might be disadvantaged in one way or another caused by their inability to bear children. From the stand point of protecting the interests of people who are disadvantaged reproductively, surrogate motherhood should be supported by all who care about the continuity of mankind and the future generations.
IvyPanda. (2021, November 18). Ethical Argument for Surrogate Motherhood. https://ivypanda.com/essays/ethical-argument-for-surrogate-motherhood/
"Ethical Argument for Surrogate Motherhood." IvyPanda , 18 Nov. 2021, ivypanda.com/essays/ethical-argument-for-surrogate-motherhood/.
IvyPanda . (2021) 'Ethical Argument for Surrogate Motherhood'. 18 November.
IvyPanda . 2021. "Ethical Argument for Surrogate Motherhood." November 18, 2021. https://ivypanda.com/essays/ethical-argument-for-surrogate-motherhood/.
1. IvyPanda . "Ethical Argument for Surrogate Motherhood." November 18, 2021. https://ivypanda.com/essays/ethical-argument-for-surrogate-motherhood/.
Bibliography
IvyPanda . "Ethical Argument for Surrogate Motherhood." November 18, 2021. https://ivypanda.com/essays/ethical-argument-for-surrogate-motherhood/.
In Fundamental and Legal Problems of Surrogate Motherhood. Global Perspective, P. Mostowik (ed.), Warsaw 2019, p. 23-75
53 Pages Posted: 15 Oct 2019
Jagiellonian University
Date Written: October 4, 2019
In this paper, I presented the most important philosophical and moral issues concerned with the idea of contract pregnancy. Terminological disputes over the concept of surrogacy, which I presented, are rooted in different axiological backgrounds, which can be defended on various philosophical grounds. The most important moral and legal dilemmas, which were revealed in the landmark cases, can be also elucidated with the reference to the major philosophical doctrines, which I presented in this paper with reference to the problem of surrogacy. Most of the proponents of surrogacy contracts invoke the concept of reproductive autonomy and the principle of privacy (including the right to use one’s own body and reproductive capacities). Yet, this concept just as our relationship with the body may be differently interpreted depending on the philosophical stance we take. Most of the arguments in favor of surrogacy are formulated from either libertarian or utilitarian perspective. The strongest arguments against the practice of surrogacy are provided within a deontological and neo-Aristotelian approach.
Keywords: surrogate motherhood, reproductive technologies, biomedical ethics, bioethics
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Pikee saxena.
Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology, Lady Hardinge Medical College and Shrimati Sucheta Kriplani Hospital, New Delhi, India
Sonia malik.
1 Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology, Infertility and IVF, South End Fertility and IVF Centre, Holy Angels Hospital, Basant Lok, Vasant Vihar, New Delhi, India
Surrogacy refers to a contract in which a woman carries a pregnancy “for” another couple. Number of infertile couples from all over the World approach India where commercial surrogacy is legal. Although this arrangement appears to be beneficial for all parties concerned,there are certain delicate issues which need to be addressed through carefully framed laws in order to protect the rights of the surrogate mother and the intended parents.
The ever-rising prevalence of infertility world over has lead to advancement of assisted reproductive techniques (ART). Herein, surrogacy comes as an alternative when the infertile woman or couple is not able to reproduce. Surrogacy is an arrangement where a surrogate mother bears and delivers a child for another couple or person. In gestational surrogacy, an embryo, which is fertilized by in vitro fertilization, is implanted into the uterus of the surrogate mother who carries and delivers the baby. In traditional surrogacy, the surrogate mother is impregnated with the sperms of the intended father artificially, thus making her both genetic and gestational mother. Surrogacy may be commercial or altruistic, depending upon whether the surrogate receives financial reward for her pregnancy.
Commercial surrogacy is legal in India,( 1 ) Ukraine, and California while it is illegal in England, many states of United States, and in Australia, which recognize only altruistic surrogacy. In contrast, countries like Germany, Sweden, Norway, and Italy do not recognize any surrogacy agreements. India has become a favorite destination of fertility tourism. Each year, couples from abroad are attracted to India by so-called surrogacy agencies because cost of the whole procedure in India is as less as one third of what it is in United States and United Kingdom (10-20 lakhs).
At a glance, surrogacy seems like an attractive alternative as a poor surrogate mother gets very much needed money, an infertile couple gets their long-desired biologically related baby and the country earns foreign currency, but the real picture reveals the bitter truth. Due to lack of proper legislation, both surrogate mothers and intended parents are somehow exploited and the profit is earned by middlemen and commercial agencies. There is no transparency in the whole system, and the chance of getting involved in legal problems is there due to unpredictable regulations governing surrogacy in India.
Although in 2005, ICMR issued guidelines for accreditation, supervision, and regulation of ART clinics in India, these guidelines are repeatedly violated.( 2 ) Frustration of cross border childless couples is easily understandable who not only have to cope up with language barrier, but sometimes have to fight a long legal battle to get their child. Even if everything goes well, they have to stay in India for 2-3 months for completion of formalities after the birth of baby. The cross border surrogacy leads to problems in citizenship, nationality, motherhood, parentage, and rights of a child. There are occasions where children are denied nationality of the country of intended parents and this results in either a long legal battle like in case of the German couple with twin surrogate children or the Israeli gay couple who had to undergo DNA testing to establish parentage or have a bleak future in orphanage for the child. There are incidences where the child given to couple after surrogacy is not genetically related to them and in turn, is disowned by the intended parent and has to spend his life in an orphanage.( 3 )
If we look upon the problem of surrogate mothers, things are even worse and unethical. The poor, illiterate women of rural background are often persuaded in such deals by their spouse or middlemen for earning easy money. These women have no right on decision regarding their own body and life. In India, there is no provision of psychological screening or legal counseling, which is mandatory in USA. After recruitment by commercial agencies, these women are shifted into hostels for the whole duration of pregnancy on the pretext of taking antenatal care. The real motive is to guard them and to avoid any social stigma of being outcast by their community. These women spend the whole tenure of pregnancy worrying about their household and children. They are allowed to go out only for antenatal visits and are allowed to meet their family only on Sundays. The worst part is that in case of unfavorable outcome of pregnancy, they are unlikely to be paid, and there is no provision of insurance or post-pregnancy medical and psychiatric support for them. Rich career women who do not want to take the trouble of carrying their own pregnancy are resorting to hiring surrogate mothers. There are a number of moral and ethical issues regarding surrogacy, which has become more of a commercial racket, and there is an urgent need for framing and implementation of laws for the parents and the surrogate mother.( 4 )
The Indian government has drafted a legislation, earlier floated in 2008, finally framed as ART Regulation draft bill 2010. The bill is still pending with Government and has not been presented in the Parliament. The proposed law has taken consideration of various aspects including interests of intended parents and surrogate mothers. The proposed draft needs to be properly discussed, and its ethical and moral aspect should be widely debated by social, legal, medical personal, and the society before any law is framed.
The bill acknowledges surrogacy agreements and their legal enforceability.( 5 ) The surrogacy agreements are treated at par with other contracts under the Indian Contract Act 1872 and other laws applicable to these kinds of agreements. Both the couple/single parent and surrogate mother need to enter into a surrogacy agreement covering all issues, which would be legally enforceable. Some of the features of proposed bill are that an authority at national and state level should be constituted to register and regulate the I.V.F. clinics and A.R.T centers, and a forum should be created to file complaints for grievances against clinics and ART centers. The age of the surrogate mother should be 21-35 years, and she should not have delivered more than 5 times including her own children. Surrogate mother would not be allowed to undergo embryo transfer more than 3 times for the same couple. If the surrogate is a married woman, the consent of her spouse would be required before she may act as surrogate to prevent any legal or marital dispute. A surrogate should be screened for STD, communicable diseases and should not have received blood transfusion in last 6 month as these may have an adverse bearing on the pregnancy outcome. All the expenses including insurance of surrogate medical bill and other reasonable expenses related to pregnancy and childbirth should be borne by intended parents. A surrogacy contract should include life insurance cover for surrogate mother. The surrogate mother may also receive monetary compensation from the couple or individual as the case may be for agreeing to act as such surrogate. It is felt that to save poor surrogate mothers from exploitation, banks should directly deal with surrogate mother, and minimal remuneration to be paid to the surrogate mother should be fixed by law.
The surrogacy arrangement should also provide for financial support for the surrogate child in case the commissioning couple dies before delivery of the child, or divorce between the intended parents and subsequent willingness of none to take delivery of the child so as to avoid injustice to the child. A surrogate mother should not have any parental rights over the child, and the birth certificate of the baby should bear the names of intended parents as parents in order to avoid any legal complications. Guidelines dealing with legitimacy of the child born through ART state that the child shall be presumed to be the legitimate child of the married/unmarried couple/single parent with all the attendant rights of parentage, support, and inheritance.
The ART clinics should not be allowed to advertise for surrogacy for its clients, and couples should directly seek facilities of ART Bank. The intended parents should be legally bound to accept the custody of the child/children irrespective of any abnormality in the child/children. Confidentially should always be maintained, and the right to privacy of the donor as well as surrogate mother should be protected. If a foreigner or NRI is seeking surrogacy, they should enter an agreement with written guarantee of citizenship for the child from their government, and they should also appoint a local guardian who would be legally responsible for taking care of the surrogate during and after the pregnancy till the child is delivered to the foreigner couple or reaches their country. Sex-selective surrogacy should be prohibited, and abortions should be governed by the Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act 1971.( 6 )
It seems ironical that people are engaging in the practice of surrogacy when nearly 12 million Indian children are orphans. Adoption of a child in India is a complicated and a lengthy procedure for those childless couples who want to give a home to these children. Even 60 years of Independence have not given a comprehensive adoption law applicable to all its citizens, irrespective of the religion or the country they live in as Non-Resident Indians (NRIs), Persons of Indian Origin (PIOs) or Overseas Citizens of India (OCIs). As a result, they resort to the options of IVF or surrogacy. The Guardian and Wards Act, 1890 permits Guardianship and not adoption. The Hindu Adoption and Maintenance Act, 1956 does not permit non-Hindus to adopt a Hindu child, and requirements of immigration after adoption have further hurdles.( 7 )
There is a strong need to modify and make the adoption procedure simple for all. This will bring down the rates of surrogacy. Altruistic and not commercial surrogacy should be promoted. Laws should be framed and implemented to cover the grey areas and to protect the rights of women and children.
Source of Support: Nil,
Conflict of Interest: None declared
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An essay on surrogacy and feminist thought.
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 April 2021
Surrogacy is not an easy issue for feminists. On one hand, it raises concerns about exploitation; one is faced with images of poor women being enlisted to produce babies for wealthy men and their wives, either because of fertility problems or because pregnancy is simply too inconvenient for those women who can afford to hire someone to do it for them. On the other hand, there is the specter of the state passing laws, once again, that tell women what they can and cannot do with their bodies. If we believe, as many of us do, that the state has no right to prohibit a woman from selling the sexual use of her body, doesn't the also have the right to sell the reproductive use? And if many of us, doctors, lawyers, law professors, have been willing to employ other women, less privileged women, to take care of our children after they are born, what is so different in moving the date back a bit and hiring them to carry our children before birth as well?
Assuming that surrogacy is not legally prohibited, does that mean that surrogacy contracts must be enforced? If we find something abhorrent in the idea of babies being taken from their mothers arms because, after all, a contract is a contract, we might argue that the contracts can be legal but unenforceable.
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Although surrogacy has been illegal in France since 1994, it remains a topical and emotive issue among researchers from various disciplines: anthropology, philosophy, sociology, psychology, law, and psychoanalysis. Surrogacy involves a woman developing an embryo and then a fetus in her uterus, which grows into a baby that will be handed over to the “intended parent(s)” after birth. The French ban on surrogacy leads many heterosexual and homosexual couples to seek a surrogate abroad.
In Volume 1, Issue 3, May 2017
1 Although surrogacy has been illegal in France since 1994, it remains a topical and emotive issue among researchers from various disciplines: anthropology, philosophy, sociology, psychology, law, and psychoanalysis. Surrogacy involves a woman developing an embryo and then a fetus in her uterus, which grows into a baby that will be handed over to the “intended parent(s)” after birth. In most cases, the embryo is created by in vitro fertilization, using sperm from either the intended father or from a donor, although in some cases the surrogate mother’s egg is fertilized by insemination. The surrogate mother may or may not receive monetary compensation for her services. The French ban on surrogacy leads many heterosexual and homosexual couples to seek a surrogate abroad. French specialist literature, which has developed over the past twelve years or so, continues to oscillate between nuanced approval of and radical—to a certain extent—opposition to surrogacy.
2 Included in this issue:
3 Jérôme Courduriès, Laura Lange, and Claudine Veuillet-Combier
4 And also: Muriel Fabre-Magnan, Catherine Dolto, Geneviève Delaisi de Parseval, Chantal Collard, and Françoise Zonabend
5 Carte blanche given to Elly Teman
6 The first anthropological work carried out on surrogacy was by the American Heléna Ragoné, who began researching the subject in the late 1980s. Other works followed, notably that of Israeli Elly Teman (see the interview with her below). In France, one of the most recent studies is that of Jérôme Courduriès. In the Journal des Anthropologues , Courduriès reports on interviews he conducted with sixteen French “families”: “In ten cases, these were families made up of a male couple, in five cases the parental couple was heterosexual, and in the final case the surrogacy was initiated by a gay, single man.” Before discussing these cases, Courduriès refers to several historical and anthropological works which show that the practice of “leasing a uterus” (Lévi-Strauss) goes back a long way, and can be found in many so-called primitive societies.
7 The most striking lesson to be drawn from the various cases studied by Courduriès coincides with the conclusions of other anthropologists: in most cases, the Western (usually North American) surrogate mother has a generally positive pregnancy experience, and the “intended parents” view her with respect, tending to value her alongside the child. To a male couple she can even be “a kind of mother.” The intended mother in a heterosexual couple does not view the surrogate as a mother, but in fact readily views her as a friend. A reciprocal friendship can indeed form, to such an extent that Elly Teman reports the case of a woman who, after having carried a child for a homosexual couple, chose to carry a second pregnancy of twins for the same couple, without asking for financial compensation. When she is not a friend, the surrogate is often considered by a homosexual couple as a “nanny.” But Courduriès also refers to the case of a homosexual man who lived alone who, having had a child in this way, refused to consider the relationship with the surrogate as anything other than strictly contractual. But even he did not intend to hide anything from his daughter, saying that “when she is grown up” she will be able to meet the woman who gave birth to her.
8 The surrogate relationship is of course a completely different matter for Indian women who rent their uterus to strangers through a relevant institution. The relationship is in this case purely financial. Indian surrogates interviewed by anthropologists appear happy with their lot, since one pregnancy can earn them the equivalent of five years of household income.
10 Jérôme Courduriès is a researcher at the Institut d’anthropologie clinique (Institute of Clinical Anthropology) in Toulouse. He co-edited Homosexualité et parenté , Armand Colin 2014, with Agnès Fine.
13 Elly Teman
14 The Israeli law restricts surrogate motherhood to heterosexual couples. Is this a wise position?
15 The Israeli Surrogacy Law was passed in March 1996, and surrogacy is regulated in Israel by a state-appointed committee that must approve each and every contract before the surrogate and intended parents can begin the medical preparation for the embryo transfer. This law protects the surrogate, the intended parents, and the baby, because it ensures the baby will be an Israeli citizen, that the contract will be legal and valid and the intended parents will be able to be recognized as the baby’s parents, and that there are provisions for the baby if something happens to the intended parents during the surrogacy process. The screening process also protects the surrogate, as only a woman whom the state committee believes to be psychologically prepared and in good medical health can become a surrogate, and her fee is set aside by an attorney trustee so that she will receive reimbursement for all possible expenses. She forms a relationship with the intended parents, which humanizes this process that could otherwise be an opening for exploitation and objectification.
16 As a result of the law not allowing same-sex couples or single persons to contract a surrogate within Israel, many same-sex couples and single persons have had to go abroad in order to contract surrogates. Instead of developing a relationship with their surrogate, they are often unable to even meet her. Surrogates are put in unethical situations in which they may be put at risk medically, psychologically, or without the rights a legal contract in a regulated framework can provide. Moreover, Israeli intended parents have found themselves stuck in limbo for months, or even years, in countries where they traveled for surrogacy such as India, Nepal, Thailand, and Mexico. There have been cases where babies have ended up being born stateless, and the intended parents have not been allowed to take them home. I therefore believe it is a very unwise position of the state to restrict surrogacy to heterosexual couples. It is time for the law, after twenty successful years, to include same-sex couples and single persons.
18 France forbids any surrogate motherhood. Is this a wise position?
19 I feel this is a very unwise position. French citizens who want to have children through surrogacy have been traveling abroad for many years because they cannot enter into the surrogacy process in their home country. Cases such as that of the Mennesson family, who established the C.L.A.R.A association, show the heartache that intended parents and their children born from surrogacy abroad must face in light of the current French legislation. The current research by French anthropologist Jérôme Courduriès on French citizens who travel abroad for surrogacy shows the difficulties these citizens still face.
20 I believe that France must acknowledge that surrogacy is here to stay, and that people will go to great lengths and great expense to enter into these agreements. Banning the practice within France and making it difficult for intended parents to bring their children back into France and establish parental rights hurts the children born through these arrangements, who we all want to protect the most. Legalizing and regulating surrogacy, for instance through the court system, could protect the babies—by ensuring their citizenship and legal parentage—, and the surrogate’s rights through contract. It could also prevent the harmful situation that is created for all parties involved when surrogacy is pursued in uneven regulatory frameworks. There will always be the potential for exploitation, commodification, and ethical harm in the concept of surrogacy, but regulating it and enabling a contract, protection, and especially the formation of a supportive relationship between the surrogate and intended parents can “warm up” the process and make it one that can even be empowering for the surrogate, as my ethnographic research and that of fellow ethnographers, such as Zsuzsa Berend, shows.
22 Many French law and psychology specialists say surrogate motherhood gives priority to the desire for children and neglects the true interests of the children. As an anthropologist, how do you feel about this?
23 Debates about surrogacy are often filled with cultural assumptions that are based on social and cultural norms rather than on evidence from the “field.” My work as an anthropologist is to leave these assumptions aside and to really listen what surrogates and intended parents are saying. Psychologists and the public at large may assume that the surrogate and baby form emotional bonds in utero, and that the children will eventually want to meet the “mother” who carried them, as we often hear in the case of adoption.
24 However, my research shows that none of the surrogates I interviewed bonded with the baby. The children of surrogacy who I have watched grow up in Israel, some now eighteen years old, do not see the surrogate as their mother. Most of them have met her, some see her as part of the extended family or someone who gave their mother a very important gift, but they do not wonder “why she gave them up.” They know that she “babysat” them in her home and her body, cared for them and fed them, and then “returned” them to their “real parents.”
25 I have not done systematic research on the children of surrogacy, but there are important long-term follow-up (ten-year) psychological studies on the children of surrogacy conducted by Susan Golombok’s research group at Cambridge University that show that the children of surrogacy in the UK are “normal,” very loved, not traumatized, and that they have usually met the surrogate, do not see her as their mother, and are grateful to her for helping their parents. At a surrogacy debate at Dexeus University Hospital that I participated in last week, teenage twin boys born through surrogacy were asked, “Do you feel different because of being born this way?” One of the twin boys, smiling at the audience said, “Yes, I am the only one of my friends with a US passport.”
26 Elly Teman is senior lecturer at the Ruppin Academic Center in Israel. She is the author of Birthing a Mother: The Surrogate Body and the Pregnant Self , University of California Press, 2010.
27 In an article published in the Christian-inspired journal Études , the young philosopher Laura Lange examines “neoliberal discourse,” which is also in favor of surrogacy. This view is based on the value of individual autonomy as defined by John Stuart Mill: of developing one’s character by making a choice, and of choosing “[one’s] plan of life” ( On Liberty ). In The Birth of Biopolitics , Michel Foucault thus emphasizes the “generalization of the ‘enterprise’ form” regarding an individual’s relation to himself and his family, which Foucault believed was what characterized American society. Philosopher Laura Lange makes the following observation in an issue of Dialogue (March 2013): “parenthood increasingly tends toward being an individual ‘business.’”
28 She describes the “mutual benefits” at play in surrogacy: for the intended parents, the surrogate, but also very often those for the associations or surrogate mother agencies in the US.
29 Lange expresses a certain skepticism regarding the argument often made in favor of surrogacy that “physical action can be dissociated from the mind.” She cites Plotinus: “The Soul using the body as an instrument, it does not follow that the Soul must share the body’s experiences.” She also cites psychoanalyst Geneviève Delaisi de Parseval, who believes surrogate mothers’ pregnancies are “less charged on a psychological level because they do not involve a commitment to future parenting.” According to Lange, “in a situation in which neoliberalism creates the conditions of economic existence, every woman invents her own notion of her body. In this sense, surrogacy presents itself as an instance of economic freedom.”
30 She also cites jurist Marcela Iacub, for whom the “the body, its parts and its organs, must be no more than an instrument of the will.” For anthropologist David Le Breton, the body is designed “as an accessory of the person.” For philosopher Michela Marzano, “there exists today a genuine effort to construct and manipulate the body and to remake it in the image of the market.”
31 Lange bases her line of inquiry on the disappearance of or disregard for meaningful debate concerning the “right to regret.” Élisabeth Badinter, among others, has suggested that the surrogate should have a three-day period after the birth to retract the contract to give the child away, thus becoming the legal mother. In practice, only British law leaves this possibility open, because “the surrogate mother is considered the child's mother [and] this continues until she gives up her parental rights.”
32 Whatever the case, the principle of surrogacy is that of a “rational project” in which the “body is reduced purely to its function.” Laura Lange emphasizes the “risk of an approach that bases motherhood on an act of abandonment—not of a child, as is sadly familiar, but of the body.”
34 Laura Lange wrote her thesis in philosophy on surrogacy. She now organizes philosophy conferences for managers.
37 All children want to know where they come from. From this perspective, we ought to compare surrogacy with adoption, where the civil status of the birth parents is erased. In the journal Dialogue , clinical psychologist Claudine Veuillet-Combier concludes that surrogacy’s distinctive feature is related to the fact that its starting point (which until recently was always the act of sexual intercourse between the parents) can be broken down into three “scenes”: “the scene of parental desire, the scene of conception-fertilization, and the scene of pregnancy (followed by childbirth).” Yet in surrogacy, the “participants in each of these scenes are different, and they therefore construct a story of origins from multiple viewpoints.” Veuillet-Combier, who has been influenced by psychoanalysis, believes that “it is essential that each of these scenes be part of the parental discourse used to respond to the child's questions.”
38 She is critical in this regard of France’s legal position, which refuses to recognize children born to surrogate parents abroad. She points out that France was condemned by the European Court of Human Rights in 2014 (and again in 2016 and 2017) because of this. She examines the situation of the status of adopted children to judge that in France “the law often chooses erasure to manage situations that appear too complex because they break with traditional models.”
39 She also draws on original personal experiences, such as that of a nine-year-old boy born through surrogacy who traveled to his surrogate mother’s country to meet her children, and experienced emotional distress, asking “but why did she not keep me?”
41 Claudine Veuillet-Combier is a clinical psychologist and lecturer at the University of Angers, France.
44 In her 2016 book Introduction au Droit ( in French on Cairn.info ) Muriel Fabre-Magnan , professor of law at Paris I University (Panthéon-Sorbonne), develops legal and practical arguments that she believes justify the prohibition of surrogacy. In an interview published by the French magazine Books ( in French on Cairn.info ) she explains how she has aligned her position with that of the Court of Cassation (1991), which rules that surrogacy “violates the principle of inalienability of the human body and the principle of inalienability of individual status.” Firstly, the “human body cannot be rented out or sold.” Secondly, “we do not have the right to do as we please with children that we have brought into the world.”
45 On a practical level, she talks about “inevitable consequences,” such as “lodging complaints because the product is defective.” On the subject of children born in India: “What happens if no one wants the child any more, for example because he or she has a disability?” The “surrogate mother” incurs health risks. And “who should make the decision if, when it comes to the birth, we have to choose between the life of the mother and that of the child?” She opposes what she sees as a regression of the rights of the child: “After so much effort and struggle for babies to be considered as people in their own right, we would thus be conceding that they are in this case the object of a “right to”—in other words, a product made on demand.”
46 Following the example of Jean-Pierre Winter, who published a book on the subject, many French psychoanalysts are decidedly hostile to surrogacy. Daughter and spiritual heir to the famous psychoanalyst Françoise Dolto, Catherine Dolto is not a psychoanalyst herself but a doctor and “haptotherapist,” which means she specializes in the psychological accompaniment of the mother throughout pregnancy, and of the mother and child during the latter’s first year and even beyond, up to adolescence.
47 She has published several books on children’s health. In an article published in Le Débat ( in French on Cairn.info ), she says that the “pain of not having a child” does not justify the claim of a “right to a child,” which is today “brandished as an undeniable truth, like the ‘right to health,’ a house or a car, and those to whom society ‘refuses’ a child are labeled victims.” Catherine Dolto refers to many studies showing the long-term impact of the quality of mother-child relationships in utero: “Upbringing begins well before birth.”
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Traditional surrogate. It's a woman who gets artificially inseminated with the father's sperm. They then carry the baby and deliver it for you and your partner to raise. A traditional surrogate is ...
More specifically, the most common type of surrogacy in the U.S. occurs when an embryo is created with the egg of an intended mother (or a donor) and sperm of an intended father (or a donor) and ...
Experiences during and after relinquishing the child. The results of the surrogate mothers' experiences during and after relinquishing the child are summarized in Table IV. In 31 cases (91%), the decision of when to hand the child over was the result of a mutual agreement between the couple and the surrogate mother.
Surrogate motherhood: a critical perspective. Over the last 25 years, treatment to overcome involuntary childlessness in single women, lesbian and gay couples and infertile heterosexual couples has progressed at a momentous pace. It is highly likely that further significant changes in treatment will become available in the next 25 years and ...
harms the surrogate mother; and (2) surrogacy is bad because it harms society, whether or not it harms the individual surrogate. The first line of argument has been empirically evaluated through study of the actual experience of surrogate mothers; the second line of argument is difficult to
A surrogate mother is the woman who carries and gives birth to the child and the intended parent is the person who intends to raise the child. ... were identified as dealing with the psychological outcome for children born after surrogacy (Table V). Six of these papers were published by Golombok and co-workers (Golombok et al., 2004, 2006a, b, ...
The surrogate mother will be the only one who can give consent to any medical care decisions that arise during the pregnancy. There are also potential legal risks, in particular surrounding parental rights when traditional surrogates are used. For gestational surrogacy, you and your partner will be the legal parents after your baby is born, but ...
surrogate motherhood, practice in which a woman (the surrogate mother) bears a child for a couple unable to produce children in the usual way, usually because the wife is infertile or otherwise unable to undergo pregnancy.In so-called traditional surrogacy, the surrogate mother is impregnated through artificial insemination with the sperm of the husband.
A traditional surrogate is the baby's biological mother. Because of the legal and ethical complexities associated with traditional surrogacy, some organizations like the American College of ...
The Life of a Surrogate. The life of a surrogate is marked by a unique blend of altruism and the profound impact of assisting others in their journey to parenthood. From the initial decision to explore surrogacy, surrogates embark on a comprehensive process that involves thorough screenings, interviews, and matching with Intended Parents.
a scien tific extension o f the natural ability t o reproduce. Surrogacy has b ecome an. attractive alternative for young couples to overcome t he problems of adopting. children and t hereby to ...
Ethical Argument for Surrogate Motherhood Essay. Family is a very important unit of human race. Motherhood and family are two interrelated terms, as through family motherhood is able to fulfill the roles ascribed the society (Teman 2008). In that sense, family is the only continuation of our existence. Without a family, the entire human race is ...
surrogacy, despite the fact that success rates are similar to traditional IVF." The consequences of these differing surrogate motherhood practices on the surrogates, the children and the extended family remains relatively unknown [12]. For surrogacy and other forms of third-party conception, reproductive-health inequalities seem
In gestational or full surrogacy, the egg of either the intended mother or an egg-donor is used. Partial surrogacy was more common in the earlier phase of contemporary surrogacy (Citation 1), but in contemporary surrogacy practices it is far more common to use the eggs from one of the intended parents or from a donor, often anonymous. Like ...
Most of the proponents of surrogacy contracts invoke the concept of reproductive autonomy and the principle of privacy (including the right to use one's own body and reproductive capacities). Yet, this concept just as our relationship with the body may be differently interpreted depending on the philosophical stance we take.
Surrogacy is an arrangement where a surrogate mother bears and delivers a child for another couple or person. In gestational surrogacy, an embryo, which is fertilized by in vitro fertilization, is implanted into the uterus of the surrogate mother who carries and delivers the baby. In traditional surrogacy, the surrogate mother is impregnated ...
Intended parents attend the birth of their child by a gestational surrogate. Surrogacy is an adoption arrangement, often supported by a legal agreement, whereby a woman agrees to childbirth on behalf of another person(s) who will become the child's parent(s) after birth. People pursue surrogacy for a variety of reasons such as infertility, dangers or undesirable factors of pregnancy, or when ...
Extract. Surrogacy is not an easy issue for feminists. On one hand, it raises concerns about exploitation; one is faced with images of poor women being enlisted to produce babies for wealthy men and their wives, either because of fertility problems or because pregnancy is simply too inconvenient for those women who can afford to hire someone to ...
According to The Surrogacy Experience, "For a first time gestational carrier, the base compensation can average between $25,000-$30,000 and for experienced carriers it can begin at $35,000+. This ...
1 RIGHT - Surrogate motherhood is a right entitled to those who are ready and able to take on the responsibility of parenthood. Surrogate mothers fills a fundamental human longing. Procreation is a primitive instinct, and to many people it is devastating not to be able to become parents Surrogate motherhood is a solution to this age-old problem.
A surrogate mother is a woman who agrees to carry someone else's baby. The surrogate mother carries the baby to term and gives birth, and the baby is released from the hospital to its intended parents (Family Formation). Although surrogate mothers help more and more homosexual couples and infertile couples having a consanguineous baby, there ...
The surrogate mother may or may not receive monetary compensation for her services. The French ban on surrogacy leads many heterosexual and homosexual couples to seek a surrogate abroad. French specialist literature, which has developed over the past twelve years or so, continues to oscillate between nuanced approval of and radical—to a ...
The bill also would loosen current regulations on surrogacy in the state, allowing mothers to sign a surrogacy agreement after a baby is conceived and even if the child wasn't conceived with the ...
But that much success certainly doesn't come without criticism, and John Mac Ghlionn, who penned an editorial for "Newsweek" entitled "Taylor Swift Is Not a Good Role Model," is leading the charge this week. His essay centers around one main point: That women and girls should think twice about looking up to Swift because, at 34 years old, she's unmarried and childless.
Kettmann, 33, said he and his wife had about $45,000 in their escrow account, money owed to their surrogate, who is pregnant with their baby boy and due in October.
Before the surrogate mother becomes pregnant, the intending parents and the surrogate mother draw up a surrogacy agreement, which is then examined by an authority. ... Based upon their analysis of a Dutch surrogacy draft bill and consultation papers from the Law Commission of England and Wales and the Scottish Law Commission on the subject, ...
Ronaldo's first child, Cristiano Jr., was born in 2010 via a surrogate. Now 14 years old, his dad refers to him as his 'partner in crime,' with the teen following his dad's famous footsteps as a ...
Tara Lipinski is an open book when it comes to her fertility journey.. The gold medalist, 42, revealed how difficult her road to becoming a mother was after going through eight egg retrievals, six ...
Elon Musk is the father of 12 children, including a pair of twins and a set of triplets with his ex-wife Justine Wilson and two boys and a girl with ex-girlfriend Grimes Skyler Caruso is a Writer ...
Musk's twins with Zilis arrived a few weeks before Exa was born through a surrogate in December 2021, three months after Musk and Grimes "semi-separated," as he put it in a tweet.