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Posted by David S. Wills | Jan 25, 2021 | IELTS Tips , Writing | 0
In IELTS writing task 2, you might find that you need to include a concession paragraph . In today’s lesson, I will tell you everything you need to know about this feature of academic writing. We will explore:
The word “concession” is the noun form of the verb to “concede.” This means “admit or agree that something is true after first denying or resisting it.” Thus, “concession” can mean the admission of something contrary to your belief.
An example is this:
A man believes that capital punishment is wrong, but he admits that some extreme crimes, such as genocide, might warrant its use. This is his “concession.”
In that example, the man understands that his belief has some limitations. By admitting those limitations, he is making a concession.
In an academic essay, you are supposed to show your ability to think logically and critically. Even when you are not required to show balance, it is a sign of intelligence that you can acknowledge opposing ideas and arguments. Therefore, making concessions is quite useful.
In an essay, then, we might include a concession such as the above example. That would involve stating our own opinion but admitting that in some instances it is not 100% true.
For example:
Whilst I firmly believe that laws should be implemented to require people to recycle more of their household rubbish, it is important to note that not all people have the facility to do so. In rural areas, for example, there may be no local recycling centre, and so punishing these people would be unreasonable.
Here, we can see that the writer’s belief is that these laws should be implemented. However, they concede the point that those laws cannot be applied to all people. This is an example of how a concession could be made in writing.
A concession paragraph is the part of an essay that shows an awareness of opposing ideas. Although this does not entirely concede the main point of the author’s essay, it provides an acknowledgement of the validity of other ideas, thereby demonstrating maturity and complexity of thought.
There are essentially two reasons that you might include a concession paragraph:
As you can see from the use of the words “agree” and “disagree” here, concession paragraphs are quite useful in IELTS essays that ask you whether you agree or disagree with something.
The degree to which a concession paragraph actually acknowledges the other side of the debate as valid also entirely depends on your purpose. For example, you might want the whole paragraph to show a valid opposing argument for the purpose of balance or else you might just show the opposing argument and then refute it.
There are no set rules to the use of concession paragraphs, so they could appear almost anywhere in the body of an essay. For IELTS, you would typically have four paragraphs , and it is quite possible to include the concession as either the second or third. It depends on your focus and purpose.
The most important thing about writing a concession paragraph is making it clear to your audience that you are conceding a point rather than making a point. What I mean is that the reader needs to understand that this is not your main idea, but rather you are admitting something contrary to your viewpoint.
For example, if you want to argue that zoos don’t belong in the modern world because of animal rights issues, but you do admit that they can serve some positive function, then you might include a concession paragraph. You should start it in a way that makes clear to the reader that these ideas are contrary to your main point.
Here are some examples of how to start a concession paragraph:
You can see that three of these sentences begin with subordinating conjunctions and one begins with a conjunctive adverb. (Learn about the difference here .) The meaning in each case shows contrast. In other words, the paragraph that follows will present ideas contrary to your personal ones.
Another way to start a concession paragraph is to invoke the idea of the people who generally hold that opinion:
Whatever you use to start your concession paragraph, it is important that you make it clear that this is not your main idea. If you fail to make it clear, you will not score highly for Coherence and Cohesion .
Concession paragraphs can be useful in IELTS writing task 2 essays, but they are by no means essential . There is nothing in the marking rubric to say that you absolutely must use them.
However, as I have previously mentioned, they can be quite useful, particularly for agree or disagree type questions. They show a depth of thought, telling the examiner that you are a mature thinker by conveying more complex ideas than a straightforward essay with no concessions given.
Let’s say that you are given an agree or disagree question that asks you whether this is the best era to be alive. You might think, “It is probably the best, but there are some parts of the past that were pretty good, too.” Whilst it is easier to give a straightforward answer that totally agrees or disagrees, it can be useful to provide balance and so you might want to include a concession paragraph.
Your structure could look like these:
Intro | Intro |
Why the past was better | Why the present is better |
Why the present is better | Why the past was better |
Conclusion | Conclusion |
As you can see, there is only a slight difference in structure here. However, you need to think carefully about how to present these ideas. Remember that your overall position needs to be consistent, so you cannot say in your introduction, “I completely agree…” and then later decide to include a concession paragraph.
Ok, now let’s look in more depth at the question I alluded to above:
Advances in science and technology and other areas of society in the last century have transformed the way we live as well as postponing the day we die. There is no better lime to be alive than now. To what extent do you agree or disagree with this opinion?
My viewpoint here is that the present is probably the best but that it is a difficult question because it is not the best for everyone and certain points in time may have been better for certain groups of people, or indeed for the planet as a whole.
My structure will be:
Introduction | Overview of topic State position (present probably best) |
First idea | Say why the present is better for many people |
Concession paragraph | Say why other the past might be better |
Conclusion | Summarise my overall idea |
Many people believe that this is the best time to be alive, but others suggest that there were better times in history. This essay will suggest that it depends on many factors, but that today might be the best time for some people.
To begin with, it is important to acknowledge that the idea of a best time to live is dependent on many factors, including your location, gender, and the things in life that are important to you. Throughout much of human history, there has been great inequality, particularly affecting women and homosexuals. Due to sudden advancements in human rights over the past century, the modern era would surely be the best because it allows more opportunities. However, not all of the world agrees upon human rights and so it depends entirely where these people live. Similarly, it has always been difficult to be part of a racial or religious minority, but in the modern era there is more tolerance than ever before. As for those who do not fall into these categories, such as men of the dominant majority, there are many benefits also, such as being unlikely to be sent to war now.
However, this overlooks some of the important and positive parts of the past. For one thing, humans have utterly destroyed the planet over the past century, and for those who care about nature, it might be better to have lived at a time when it was still thriving. People who love mystery and romance also would have been better living in the past, for nowadays knowledge can be found easily on a smartphone, taking the joy of discovery out of life. In the past, these people could have travelled the globe in search of unknown places, but now none exist. As for the diversity of human culture, this has also vanished, leaving a sterile world ravaged by globalisation, where people of all nationalities seem to listen to the same dull music and possess the same greedy dreams of wealth.
In conclusion, there are major arguments for and against the present being the best time to live and it would totally depend on a person’s personality, and for most people the present is probably the best.
As you can see, my introduction and conclusion give my position, which is that the present is probably the best time to live for the majority of people.
The body paragraphs present a complex view. In my second paragraph, I argue in favour of the present and in the third I argue in favour of the past. This is a good structure to use for a concession paragraph.
In terms of internal paragraph structure , I have attempted to also include elements of concession, meaning that even within a paragraph that says “the present is the best” I refute this to some extent by saying “it is not the best for 100% of people.” Again, this shows the writer as a mature thinker capable of expressing complicated ideas.
Let’s look at another sample question and answer to better understand how and why we can use concession paragraphs for IELTS.
Here is the question:
The most important consideration when choosing any career or job is having a high income. To what extent do you agree or disagree?
Basically, to this question I would want to say “having a high income is really important but it is not the most important thing.” To show this, I will give a paragraph that says money is important and then another paragraph that emphasises other things.
My structure would be:
Introduction | Overview of topic (money not the most important) |
Concession paragraph | Say why money is so important |
Main idea | Say why other things are MORE important than money |
Conclusion | Summarise my overall idea |
When thinking about a new job, salary is certainly the first thing that comes into most people’s heads. It is, in many ways, the ultimate reward for a job, and also a significant part of our life and self-worth. However, this essay will argue that it probably should not be the most important consideration.
Firstly, let us look at why salary is so highly regarded. It is a fact that money makes our modern societies tick. Without money, we cannot have a home, cannot eat or drink, and cannot pay our taxes. We would simply not be able to get by without money, and so we need at least some income. There are many luxuries available to those with high salaries, and a great deal of social status. These things encourage people to seek higher salaries. Ultimately, money can give us a far better life, and even ensure the quality of life for our descendants, and so for most of us, salary really is the foremost consideration when seeking a job.
However, perhaps this should not be the case. After all, many people who spend all their time working to earn a high salary have a very low level of contentment, high degrees of stress, and die at a younger age. If money has done that to them, can it really be so important? Perhaps it is better to seek a job that can give you purpose or satisfaction. The people who report the highest levels of happiness are not those with high salaries, but those whose jobs contribute to the wider society, and who get to communicate with more people on a daily basis. Their life has meaning and interaction, which are far more valuable than money.
In conclusion, although money is undoubtedly important and can bring great benefits to our life, it probably should not be the most important consideration in finding a new job.
This example answer is different to the first because here I have placed the concession paragraph before the main idea. This allows me to present those opposing ideas clearly and then refute them intelligently. It shows a great depth of thought and a mastery of logic.
We have seen in this lesson that concession paragraphs are very useful for IELTS, but of course they are never truly necessary. If you have to answer an agree or disagree question, you could definitely put them to good use, but there is nothing in the marking rubric that explicitly says you must do this.
As such, I would recommend concession paragraphs to those students looking for a band 7 or higher in their test. Honestly, if you are routinely scoring band 6 or lower, you probably would struggle to employ this method of writing effectively and it could pose more problems than benefits for you.
David S. Wills is the author of Scientologist! William S. Burroughs and the 'Weird Cult' and the founder/editor of Beatdom literary journal. He lives and works in rural Cambodia and loves to travel. He has worked as an IELTS tutor since 2010, has completed both TEFL and CELTA courses, and has a certificate from Cambridge for Teaching Writing. David has worked in many different countries, and for several years designed a writing course for the University of Worcester. In 2018, he wrote the popular IELTS handbook, Grammar for IELTS Writing and he has since written two other books about IELTS. His other IELTS website is called IELTS Teaching.
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T he first presidential debate of this protracted presidential season was a horror show. Preceded by what seemed like weeks of excited speculation, idiotic predictions, and presumptive pre-debate analysis, when the debate actually happened, it demonstrated the dire choice that the two major political parties have given the electorate: pick the ranting liar and fear-mongering xenophobe, or choose the befuddled, stumbling man whose attempts to explain policy. (“I support Roe v. Wade , which had three trimesters”?) It was painful to watch.
One might rightly wonder what purpose presidential debates serve, particularly this year. We already know both candidates pretty well, and if we don’t, we have four more months to learn that Trump neither cares for the duties of office or the complexities of foreign affairs (and cultures), but does possess a talent for stirring up prejudice, for making people laugh, and for making them fearful. He does not answer questions. Last night, he avoided the question on the war in Gaza. He punted on the opioid crisis and climate change. He makes no appeal to decency, which is Biden’s forte (or was). But decency without backbone is what makes Biden appear, well, doddery. And we can watch that too until November. In fact, this otherwise consequential president seemed most focused when he talked about hitting a golf ball.
Read More: Calls for Biden to Step Aside Are About to Get Deafening
Part of the problem is that we live in a visual age. As a result, though we value them, our presumptive leaders become leaders even if they lack oratorical skills. In fact, it’s not surprising that the first well-known presidential debate , in 1960, occurred when television was a relatively new medium, and it did Richard Nixon no favors. No one remembers what he said, just how he looked. (Actually, the first televised debate, between candidates Adlai Stevenson and Dwight Eisenhower , took place four years earlier but without them; they used stand-ins, Eleanor Roosevelt and Margaret Chase Smith.) Before that, presidents depended on radio, with Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s “fireside chats” bringing him, and his voice, with its powers of persuasion, into one’s home. Before that, we debated in the public square of newspapers. Word, skillfully written, can change minds. Consider Lincoln and Douglas, a debate for a seat in the Senate, and the rest is history.
So oratory matters. The ability to persuade, through words, mattered. It still does, which is why last night’s debate was so chilling. When William Jennings Bryan was nominated by Democrats as their presidential candidate for the third time in 1908, even though he’d been unsuccessful twice before, it was because of his oratorical gift. His voice, once heard, was never forgotten. He could address a crowd of 20,000 and make the audience feel as though he spoke directly to each and everyone one of them and he understood what they needed. They called him the “Great Commoner.” He even started a newspaper so he could write column after column and deliver what amounted to sermons.
And, like all good orators, he knew how to perform. He did not want his tie too straight. Bryan practiced parts of his famous “Cross of Gold” speech , one of the most famous in American political history, for months and months before he delivered it in 1896 at the Democratic National Convention. He bounded onto the stage, raised his arms, and then spoke in the lyrical, cadenced phrases of Scripture. “We are fighting in the defense of our homes, our families, and posterity,” Bryan declared. “We have petitioned, and our petitions have been scorned; we have entreated, and our entreaties have been disregarded; we have begged, and they have mocked when our calamity came. We beg no longer; we entreat no more; we petition no more.” It was good stuff.
Read More: These Are the Biggest Moments in the First Presidential Debate
But performance needs substance. And so Bryan would eventually meet his nemesis when he was confronted by an orator even more practiced, clever, and dramatic than he. That was Clarence Darrow, the celebrated lawyer in rumpled clothes whose talent for mesmerizing juries with his impression of humility (some of which was genuine) was unparalleled. Though not a politician, or at least not a professional one, Darrow was a man who could deliver a rational argument with much emotion. It was a winning combination.
Take his defense of Nathan Leopold and Richard Loeb, two teenagers accused of the gruesome and motiveless murder of 14 year-old Bobby Franks. Darrow had Leopold and Loeb plead guilty to avoid a jury trial so he could argue before the judge that their lives should be spared. Claiming Leopold and Loeb were just adolescents, the products of genetics and environment, Darrow said they were essentially without free will. “They killed,” said Darrow, “because hey were made that way.” At the same time, let us not blindly and cruelly call for yet another death, he implored the judge. Let us acknowledge that capital punishment grows out of our primitive need for vengeance, and let’s acknowledge that our killing two defective, two abnormal adolescents would not prevent other impaired boys or malevolent men or vicious women from committing murder.
“I sometimes wonder whether I am dreaming, whether I am not living in centuries long gone by, when savagery roamed wild, and the world was wet with human blood?” he concluded at the trial’s end. It was a consummate performance: a rational argument topped off by an emotional one. Leopold and Loeb received life sentences.
When Darrow and Bryan confronted each other in the courtroom, both of them, like Biden and Trump, were considered past their prime. Certainly they weren’t vying for the Oval Office, and their confrontation took place in a court of law, not on a television set. But they were jousting over the meaning of America and America’s future with far more passion, compassion, and reasonableness than anything that happened last night on the debate stage. For all his faults, Bryan was an optimistic idealist who thought he could improve the lives of ordinary men and women. He was a progressive who sincerely believed—and fought for—such reforms as the government ownership of utilities, a graduated income tax, currency reform, woman's suffrage and, for better and worse, Prohibition, which, in his mind, would help purify the nation by abolishing alcoholism, child abuse, and violence against women.
But when he wanted to turn the country into a Christian theocracy, Darrow objected. Their showdown took place in the summer of 1925 over a law recently passed by the Tennessee legislature that barred teaching the theory of evolution in public schools. It later became known, famously, as the Scopes Trial .
Darrow volunteered to defend the young schoolteacher who had purposefully broken the law (to test it), and he mustered, once again, all his oratorical skills. “Ignorance and fanaticism are ever busy and needs feeding,” Darrow declared. “Today it is the public school teachers, tomorrow the private. The next day the preachers and the lecturers, the magazines, the books, the newspapers. After a while, it is the setting of man against man and creed against creed until with flying banners and beating drums we are marching backward to the glorious ages of the sixteenth century when bigots lighted fagots to burn the men who dared to bring any intelligence and enlightenment and culture to the human mind."
“No subject possesses the minds of men like religious bigotry and hate,” Darrow concluded, “and these fires are being lighted today in America.”
He spoke without notes. He was persuasive and passionate. That’s what I thought about—what we had lost—as I watched last night’s sad, cringeworthy debate.
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In retrospect, the biggest news story from 1960 may have been one that got buried in many newspapers. It was a joint statement from Richard Nixon’s press secretary and presidential campaign manager, saying Nixon would not challenge John F. Kennedy’s election to the White House.
Yes, it’s hard to win arguments by appealing to former President Richard Nixon’s virtues, but his eventual resignation many years later, after the Watergate scandal, makes his actions on that Nov. 11, three days after Election Day, all the more powerful. If even Nixon could put the needs of the country ahead of his own ambitions and the urgings of many supporters, what does that say about a subset of Republican candidates today who have trouble answering whether they will accept election results?
As I write this, Utah gubernatorial candidate Phil Lyman has yet to concede to incumbent Gov. Spencer Cox, despite trailing in the count by roughly 13 percentage points. That is a wide margin — a gap, as I write this, of about 40,000 votes.
In the four-way race for Senate, all three losing candidates have conceded to the winner, John Curtis. Riverton Mayor Trent Staggs, the second-place finisher, was the last to do so on Thursday.
Election concessions are an important American tradition. Nothing in law compels a candidate to formally concede, nor does the refusal to do so affect the outcome in any way. But the effect is cathartic to the pent-up emotions of a campaign.
To be fair, Lyman has said he wants to analyze all the results first. That is understandable. Ballots remain to be counted.
However, he also has attorneys looking at potential lawsuits. Implied is a lack of trust in the election process, or in its ability to catch large-scale fraud.
Trusting the election process is, of course, paramount for any democracy that vests political power in the hands of voters. Lose that trust and you risk losing everything.
Just as important, however, is the need to unite voters after a difficult election season.
The orderly passage of power, and the orderly retention of power, is a vital American attribute. It’s just as important in state offices, from the smallest school board to the mansions of governors, as it is in deciding who occupies the White House.
It reveals who we are as a people and whether we can subjugate the pursuit of power to the greater good of community, state or nation. It signals to partisan followers that they can lay aside animosities for a season and accept the will of voters, a will that presidential candidate William Jennings Bryan told the winner, William McKinley, in his 1896 concession telegram, “is law.”
Think of how soothing it was to hear Al Gore, after weeks of grueling recounts and a difficult Supreme Court ruling, say, “What remains of partisan rancor must now be put aside, and may God bless his (George W. Bush’s) stewardship of this country.”
Despite current narratives, voter fraud is rare, particularly in Utah.
A r ecent KSL-TV investigation found that only 32 cases of alleged fraud have been prosecuted in Utah since 2012, totaling 58 charges.
Derek Monson, chief growth officer at the conservative Sutherland Institute, told me the nation’s election system, in which 3,143 separate counties conduct elections using separate laws, methods and policies, makes it almost impossible to conduct fraud on a scale that could alter an election. The same could be said for Utah’s 29 counties. The number of people needed to pull off such a thing would be prohibitive.
Nixon no doubt felt he had a lot of reasons to contest that 1960 election, even though he had conceded on election night. There were rumors that 50,000 ballots had been thrown out in Texas because of technicalities. Voters in one area were confused by a system requiring them to scratch out the names of each candidate they did not want, leaving only the name of the candidate they voted for untouched.
More rumors swirled in Illinois, where the candidates were separated by only 9,000 votes.
But Nixon called everything off, reportedly telling a friend , “our country cannot afford the agony of a constitutional crisis.”
That may be ironic, considering what eventually happened to his administration 14 years later, but it did diffuse tensions in 1960.
No, concessions aren’t a required part of our electoral process, but I hope we eventually hear them in all races this year. At a time when political tensions are tinder-dry, they might keep people from lighting matches.
On Wednesday morning, the Supreme Court inadvertently released a draft of its decision in Moyle v. United States , a major case about emergency abortions. First obtained by Bloomberg News , the draft shows the court planning to punt the case, sending it back down to the lower courts without any decision on the merits. It also reinstated an injunction requiring Idaho to permit abortions in the case of major health crises.
This outcome reeks of a cynical compromise, secured by the more tactical conservative justices, to push this explosive issue past this fall’s election. The Republican Party’s position—that states may force patients to the brink of death before allowing them to terminate a failing pregnancy— is politically toxic . A Supreme Court decision allowing states to impose such a draconian policy could hurt Republicans, and Donald Trump specifically, in November. The three less-extreme conservative justices may have therefore figured out a way to punt the case. Yet they also gave us good reason to believe that when it comes back around next year, they will side with the red states that wish to enforce their abortion bans against patients in extreme medical distress.
Moyle revolves around the Emergency Medical Treatment and Labor Act, known as EMTALA, which Congress enacted in 1986. The law requires hospitals that accept federal funding to provide stabilizing care for any “emergency medical condition” that poses “serious jeopardy” to a person’s health. Abortion is the standard of care for many pregnancy-related conditions, and hospitals have long provided the procedure when necessary to stabilize a patient. At least half a dozen states, however, have enacted abortion bans so stringent that they conflict with EMTALA’s commands. Idaho, for instance, criminalizes abortion except when it is necessary to prevent a patient’s death. (Doctors who perform an abortion before the patient is close enough to death face a mandatory minimum of two years’ imprisonment.)
Joe Biden’s Department of Justice sued Idaho, alleging that EMTALA preempts state law. A district court agreed, issuing an injunction that required Idaho to allow abortions when a patient’s health (but not necessarily her life) was in serious jeopardy. The Supreme Court halted that injunction and took up the case before the appeals court could issue a decision on the merits. As soon as SCOTUS intervened, Idaho doctors had to start airlifting pregnant patients to neighboring states to obtain emergency abortions that were illegal under Idaho law.
If the draft opinion is accurate, then the Supreme Court has decided that it should not have intervened in the first place. It reached this conclusion by a 5–4 vote: Justices Elena Kagan and Sonia Sotomayor joined with Justices Amy Coney Barrett and Brett Kavanaugh, as well as Chief Justice John Roberts, to dismiss the case as “improvidently granted,” with a one-line per curiam opinion. These justices also voted to lift the stay on the injunction that had protected Idaho patients, and they were joined by Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson on that front. (Jackson would have decided the case against Idaho rather than dismissing it.) The compromise seems obvious: Kagan and Sotomayor agreed to dismiss the case in exchange for a reinstatement of the stay in Idaho.
Barrett wrote to explain her vote, joined by Roberts and Kavanaugh. Her draft concurrence should throw cold water on anyone tempted to call this move a victory for reproductive rights. The justice makes two key points. First, she claimed that Idaho has expanded access to emergency abortions beyond what it initially represented, while the DOJ has narrowed EMTALA’s scope beyond what it initially claimed. She cited concession by Idaho’s attorney during oral argument that the state would allow abortions in an emergency situation in which death is not inevitable, like preeclampsia and preterm premature rupture of the membranes. In light of this shift, Barrett wrote, it’s unclear how state and federal laws conflict, requiring further lower court proceedings. And she voted to lift the stay not because she agrees with the DOJ’s interpretation of EMTALA but because, “even with the preliminary injunction in place, Idaho’s ability to enforce its law remains almost entirely intact.”
Second, and more ominously, Barrett cited an alarming constitutional theory that Idaho brought at the eleventh hour. Congress enacted EMTALA pursuant to the spending clause, under which the federal government may offer (or withdraw) funds with certain strings attached. Idaho alleges that Congress cannot mandate funding conditions that force recipients to violate states’ criminal laws. If that’s true, then even if EMTALA requires emergency abortions when a patient’s life is at risk, it must yield to state bans that criminalize such care. In her draft concurrence, Barrett called this novel theory “difficult and consequential,” urging the lower courts to address it. Her opinion reads like an invitation for Idaho to develop this concept more fully and present it next term, when she—and Roberts and Kavanaugh—will be less prone to the pressures of an impending presidential election and thus likely more amenable to it.
As with any Barrett opinion, a casual reader may find herself nodding along, persuaded by the clear writing and smooth reasoning. But ponder this draft concurrence for more than a few minutes and it falls apart. Yes, the Department of Justice and Idaho have whittled down the scope of their disagreement—but so what? The conflict is still there, in the text of the respective laws and in their potential applications. The Idaho Supreme Court has already provided its definitive interpretation of the state ban, declaring that it permits abortion only when necessary to prevent death, not to protect a patient’s health more broadly. Yet Barrett credited the unfounded assertions of the midlevel state lawyer, Joshua Turner, who argued the case before them. Turner’s legally meaningless thought bubbles will not protect a doctor accused of violating the ban. As Jackson wrote in her partial dissent: “Some of my colleagues latch onto the bald representations of Idaho’s counsel, using them as an escape hatch that justifies our dispensing with having to issue a merits ruling in these cases.”
If Barrett were even remotely inclined to interpret EMTALA as a protection for abortion patients, she would not have performed this casuistic jujitsu. For the Supreme Court’s purposes, all that matters is the existence of a conflict, which even Barrett had to acknowledge while fudging its contours. That conflict gave the justices an opportunity to decide the foundational question: Does EMTALA override the most extreme applications of state abortion bans? SCOTUS could have said yes, then sent the case back down for the lower courts to apply it on the ground. The district court could have sussed out the precise scope of the clash between state and federal laws and delineated the point at which EMTALA supersedes Idaho’s ban. Barrett’s refusal to take this course of action suggests that she is not prepared—indeed, will never be prepared—to enforce EMTALA against the states.
So, why the punt? A generous explanation is that Barrett could not swallow the consequences of a decision for Idaho. Justice Samuel Alito’s draft dissent, joined by Justices Clarence Thomas and Neil Gorsuch, is unyielding in its cruel disregard for women’s health; he acknowledged, for instance, that Idaho’s ban may require doctors to stand by and wait for a pregnant patient to develop “infection and serious risk of sepsis” before terminating her failing pregnancy. This borderline sadistic position may have been too much for Barrett to accept. Perhaps she would rather wait to embrace Idaho’s legalistic theory about the spending clause to obscure the human suffering this approach would unleash.
A cynic, though, might assume that Barrett, along with Kavanaugh and Roberts, wants to push this issue past the presidential election. Biden has centered his campaign on reproductive rights, highlighting women who were nearly killed by abortion bans and laying the blame at Trump’s feet. A decision freeing states to continue denying emergency abortions to patients in distress would vividly illustrate the devastating fallout from the Supreme Court’s reversal of Roe v. Wade . It would remind voters that Trump created this court, stacking it with surefire votes against abortion rights, and raise the stakes for reproductive freedom in the run-up to November. Now the court that Trump made is planning to quietly duck out of the limelight on this issue.
But it can’t stay away for long. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the 5 th Circuit has already ruled against the Biden administration’s interpretation of EMTALA, subjecting millions of women to far-reaching bans on emergency abortions. This issue will boomerang back up to SCOTUS, and it will have to make a decision. As Jackson wrote in her draft opinion, “Storm clouds loom ahead.” How far ahead? Maybe not even a year—maybe until just after November. Until then, patients in Idaho have some semblance of protection in an injunction. And tens of millions of others face the harrowing uncertainty that the Supreme Court just indefensibly prolonged.
This is part of Opinionpalooza , Slate’s coverage of the major decisions from the Supreme Court this June. Alongside Amicus , we kicked things off this year by explaining How Originalism Ate the Law . The best way to support our work is by joining Slate Plus . (If you are already a member, consider a donation or merch !)
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Concession writing style also shows that the writer is a logical and fair-minded person, able to realize that every argument has several sides to consider before it is presented. This type of writing can be considered strong as it finds common ground between the writer and his opponent. Concession Examples
Updated on February 12, 2020. Concession is an argumentative strategy by which a speaker or writer acknowledges (or appears to acknowledge) the validity of an opponent's point. Verb: concede. Also known as concessio . The rhetorical power of concession, says Edward P.J. Corbett, resides in an ethical appeal: "The audience gets the impression ...
Concession Definition. A concession (kuhn-SEH-shun) in literature is a point yielded to an opposing perspective during an argument. It allows a writer to acknowledge that information presented by an opponent has some amount of validity and should be considered. Concessions show that a writer doesn't have tunnel vision when it comes to their ...
Your Task: compose a critical response essay—including, ideally, an introduction, at least three body paragraphs, and a conclusion—to the text below Goals: your essay should include the following: A brief summary of the author's argument; Your own argument which should either: mostly agree with the author and provide your own persuasive assertions that extend support for the author's ...
Making concessions also demonstrates your ability as a writer by showing that you have researched and considered you argument from multiple perspectives in order to come to an informed decision. Naturally, what you don't want to do is present a counterargument and not address it. It might be tempting to do this in your conclusion; you may ...
Concession Definition. A concession is something yielded to an opponent during an argument, such as a point or a fact. Concessions often occur during formal arguments and counterarguments, such as in debates or academic writing. A writer or debater may agree with one aspect of his or her opponent's ideas and yet disagree with the rest.
The Argumentative Essay: The Language of Concession and Counterargument. We have already analyzed the structure of an argumentative essays (also known as a persuasive essay), and have read samples of this kind of essay. In this session we will review the purpose and structure of an argumentative essay, and will focus on practicing the grammar ...
Buy Ryan's Task 2 ebook here: http://tinyurl.com/jm68wa6Have Ryan personally assess 5 of your Task 1 or 2 samples: http://tinyurl.com/zkr9w2rLooking at a poi...
The SAT essay assignment—to explain how an author "builds an argument to persuade" his or her audience—asks you to locate and analyze the building blocks of an argumentative essay. Just what makes an argument persuasive, though, can seem unclear, especially if students have a limited concept of what it means to make a "strong ...
Make a claim. Provide the grounds (evidence) for the claim. Explain the warrant (how the grounds support the claim) Discuss possible rebuttals to the claim, identifying the limits of the argument and showing that you have considered alternative perspectives. The Toulmin model is a common approach in academic essays.
A few tips for using concession and refutation effectively: Always summarize counter-arguments in a fair manner. Taking a cheap shot makes you look bad, not your opponent. Get concessions out of the way as soon as possible. Leaving them to the end will weaken your own argument. When refuting a counter-argument, back up your opinions with ...
Does the essay articulate the main claims, reasons, and any important assumptions of the argument, whether implicit or explicit? Does the essay convincingly identify at least two key important strategies the argument uses to establish credibility and trust or affect the reader's emotions?
The Concessive Sentence. Concessive sentences are useful, in part, because they enable you to combine sentences and avoid "choppiness" in your writing. But concessive sentences are particularly useful when writing an essay that requires you to compare or contrast two or more things, or an essay that requires you to take a stand on a ...
In academic essays, the thesis statement is the heart of your argument: It tells readers exactly what your paper will discuss and what position you'll take on the topic. Some thesis statements include concessions, which are statements that acknowledge a different, valid perspective on the topic or that admit ...
Recognizing concession and counterargument is an important college and career readiness skill in the rhetorical analysis of an argument essay. Teaching students to incorporate concessions and counterarguments into their own essays will strengthen those arguments and result in more effective and sophisticated written responses,
Concession and Counterargument Practice. Look at the following statements. In the first example, you are given the objection. The goal is to be able to structure the objection into a concession, and once you've done that, your next step is to reasonably counter it. You've been given an example to start.
Here is a concession/counterargument paragraph from the student essay. The overall thesis of the whole essay is this: Although some defend the fast fashion industry's aesthetic and economic contributions, it has devastating impacts on labor rights and the environment, and needs serious regulations by all nations to stop the damage.
Here are a few short definitions: Concede: Admit that another person is right about something. Refute: Prove that someone else is wrong about something. Often, speakers of English will concede a point, only to refute a larger issue: It's true that working can be tedious. However, without a job, you won't be able to pay the bills.
Your essay should also consider at least one objection a reader might have to your argument. You may respond to this objection in different ways. You may respond to this objection in different ways. For example, you may argue against the objection, or you may acknowledge that the objection is a good point and incorporate it into your argument.
You might want to start with some rough draft outlining of your reasoning and consider what argumentative strategies will work best for you. Recall that an argument is an assertion plus reasoning. Three basic strategies for constructing your line of reasoning are (1) reasons, (2) concessions, and (3) refutations.
Argument - paragraphs which show support for the author's thesis (for example: reasons, evidence, data, statistics) Counterargument - at least one paragraph which explains the opposite point of view. Concession - a sentence or two acknowledging that there could be some truth to the Counterargument. Refutation (also called Rebuttal ...
In argumentative speech and writing, the speaker or writer makes an argument supported by claims, or evidence.Sometimes, the writer or speaker also includes a concession, which is when the opposing viewpoint is acknowledged.By making a concession to the opponent, the speaker or writer lets readers know that he or she has considered the other side of the argument and understands it.
In an academic essay, you are supposed to show your ability to think logically and critically. Even when you are not required to show balance, it is a sign of intelligence that you can acknowledge opposing ideas and arguments. Therefore, making concessions is quite useful. In an essay, then, we might include a concession such as the above example.
It was a consummate performance: a rational argument topped off by an emotional one. Leopold and Loeb received life sentences. When Darrow and Bryan confronted each other in the courtroom, both of ...
Election concessions are an important American tradition. Nothing in law compels a candidate to formally concede, nor does the refusal to do so affect the outcome in any way. But the effect is cathartic to the pent-up emotions of a campaign. To be fair, Lyman has said he wants to analyze all the results first. That is understandable.
She cited concession by Idaho's attorney during oral argument that the state would allow abortions in an emergency situation in which death is not inevitable, like preeclampsia and preterm ...
A possible argument: The league could argue that, while it negotiated contracts collectively, it's still pro-consumer because it broadcasts more than 90 percent of games for free, Gabriel ...