guns in america essay

Guns in America: Foundations and Key Concepts

This non-exhaustive list of readings on the role of guns in US history and society introduces the field as a subject of scholarly inquiry.

Jumping into the scholarly literature on guns and gun violence in the United States can be intimidating, both because of the range of disciplines that address the subject and because of the intensity of debate over a few contentious questions. A non-exhaustive list of fields contributing to “US gun studies” would include not only my own field of history but also public policy, legal studies, criminology, sociology, political science, literature, and public health. Despite the diversity of applicable disciplines, they have gravitated toward a few central questions. Some fields are interested in the origins of US “gun culture,” its relationship to the founding generation, the Second Amendment, or the rapid development of the country in the nineteenth century. Others are oriented toward contemporary issues, typically those like the role of firearms in the United States’ exceptional levels of violence among wealthy countries.

Eight years ago I was a historian of the twentieth-century United States with no background in gun studies but with an interest in the field related to a new project. Now I’m writing a new book, Gun Country: How Gun Culture, Control, and Consumerism Created an Armed Mass Movement in Cold War America , for the University of North Carolina Press. The following key works from a number of disciplines, while not exhaustive, have nevertheless helped orient me to central questions in the field, and they serve as a strong introduction to what scholars have accomplished.

Philip J. Cook, “ The Great American Gun War: Notes from Four Decades in the Trenches .” Crime and Justice , 2013 Cook is a renowned public policy scholar at Duke University who has spent decades publishing in the field of gun studies. This article provides an overview to that field. He notes at the outset that less than fifty years ago, observers bemoaned the lack of critical research on guns and gun violence in American society. Since then, the field has made impressive strides. Cook sets up two “fronts” on which the scholarly battles play out in what he calls the “Great American Gun War”: first, a cohort of mostly social scientists that studies the political, social, economic, and cultural impact of guns in the United States; and second, a group of mostly historians and legal scholars that debates the “true meaning” of the Second Amendment.

Frank Zimring, “ Is Gun Control Likely to Reduce Violent Killings? ” University of Chicago Law Review , 1968 Zimring is one of the founders of the scholarly field of gun studies, and this 1968 article is among its foundational texts. When he began writing at the University of Chicago Law School (today he continues to work at the University of California, Berkeley), there was almost no scholarly research on guns and their impact on crime and daily life in the United States. In 1968 Zimring worked on the underappreciated but important U.S. National Commission on the Causes and Prevention of Violence, appointed by President Lyndon Johnson after the assassinations of Martin Luther King and Robert Kennedy. Zimring served as a research director on the commission and coauthored Firearms & Violence in American Life (1969), the first comprehensive report of its kind. He has long argued, across hundreds of articles and many books, that guns are the essential element in explaining the unique lethality of US violence.

David J. Silverman, “ Guns, Empires and Indians .” Aeon , 2016 Two recent extraordinary books—David J. Silverman’s Thundersticks (2016) and Priya Satia’s Empire of Guns (2018)—have expanded our chronological and spatial understanding of North American gun history. This article by Silverman and the one below by Satia neatly encapsulate the important arguments each makes. Silverman’s book traces how Native Americans from the seventeenth century built their societies around firearms, access to which could determine the fate of a particular group or nation against its rivals. As he writes here, Indians lived in “a world awash with guns and, with it, waves of terrible gun violence.” The article tells one story of the Mohawks in the 1630s that demonstrates that deterministic narratives about Indian societies and “guns, germs, and steel” are too simplistic and fail to account for the way those societies adapted to and even thrived with new technologies.

Priya Satia, “ Guns and the British Empire .” Aeon , 2018 In the prize-winning Empire of Guns (2018), Satia writes of the significance of the firearms industry to the rapid growth of the industrial revolution in Great Britain. In this article she draws our attention not to the American colonies but the empire on the other side of the world, in South Asia, where British authorities intentionally stifled the growth of a well-respected Indian domestic arms industry, believing their own economic success required Indian dependency on the British technology and know-how.

Sanford Levinson, “ The Embarrassing Second Amendment .” Yale Law Journal , 1989 While gun rights proponents today are quick to point to the Second Amendment as the foundation for their individual right to own a gun—a  right only confirmed for the first time by the US Supreme Court in the controversial 2008 D.C. v. Heller decision—for much of US history, Americans generally neglected this constitutional provision. Well into the 1970s, the general legal and academic consensus was that it was a relic of the eighteenth century, a restriction on the federal government’s ability to deny the states the right to arm militias in light of contemporaneous fears of standing armies commanded by tyrants. With the creation of the modern National Guard at the turn of the twentieth century, the amendment appeared moribund, and the 1939 United States v. Miller decision seemed to confirm it.

But beginning in the 1960s, a concerted effort among a cohort of right-leaning legal scholars began publishing essays, mostly in law school journals, arguing that the amendment had long been misinterpreted—in reality, they wrote, the founders intended to confer an individual right to own a firearm independent of service in a militia. This article by Sanford Levinson, a celebrated liberal legal scholar, drew attention to this changing understanding of the amendment, arguing that legal scholarship may have long been motivated not by an attempt to understand the founders’ intent but instead by scholars’ own political leanings. The article was an important turning point for the mainstreaming of what came to be called the “Standard Model” of the Second Amendment: the idea that the founders intended for it to confer an individual right to firearms ownership independent of military service.

Saul Cornell, “ ‘Half-Cocked’: The Persistence of Anachronism and Presentism in the Academic Debate Over the Second Amendment .” Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology , 2016 Reading this article by Saul Cornell, a historian at Fordham University who authored the most important historical monograph on the Second Amendment, A Well-Regulated Militia (2006), feels like stepping into the middle of a years-long argument. The article is Cornell’s response to a prominent legal scholar, James Lindgren, who had recently written dismissively of historical interpretations of the Second Amendment in the wake of the 2008 Heller ruling. To an outsider, much of the discussion is impenetrable, but that’s in part why it’s worth reading: the reader feels the tension and the import of the debate in all its arcane details. The article also captures the disciplinary divide on this subject between historians and legal scholars. Historians can be snappily contemptuous of legal scholars’ sloppy research and cherry-picked quotes, while legal scholars can sneer at historians’ insistence on seemingly tenuous contextual arguments. Plus, the footnotes are an essential bibliography in their own right.

Robert H. Churchill, “ Guns and the Politics of History .” Reviews in American History , 2001 The elephant in the room of US gun history and historiography is Michael Bellesiles’s Arming America (2000), a book about gun culture in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries that promised to reshape not just the historical debate about guns in American society but the contemporary one, too. It made a splash, for sure, winning, among other awards, the Bancroft Prize, the historical profession’s most significant achievement for a monograph. But quickly Bellesiles’s fame became infamy, as a small army of mostly pro-gun researchers combed through his voluminous footnotes and discovered too many inconsistencies to simply write off as carelessness. Eventually an independent blue-ribbon committee concluded that Bellesiles may have falsified some of his research, and the author was stripped of the award and resigned from his position at Emory University. In this detailed review, which appeared before the scandal, Churchill, a libertarian-leaning historian of gun culture, takes Bellesiles to task for a number of research and interpretive issues. Despite the high level of scholarly discourse, contemporary gun politics is always simmering beneath the surface.

Randolph Roth, “ Guns, Gun Culture, and Homicide: The Relationship between Firearms, the Uses of Firearms, and Interpersonal Violence .” William and Mary Quarterly , 2002 The Bellesiles scandal involved the question of “counting guns” in early America and the sources that Bellesiles used (or, as critics said, fabricated) to do so. Bellesiles argued that high levels of US gun violence were a consequence of its “gun culture,” which he claimed did not exist until manufacturers invented it in the mid-nineteenth century. In this article, Roth, author of American Homicide (2009) and a historian who utilizes social science methods to examine violence across US history, tests Bellesiles’s claim of the relationship between gun proliferation and violence. Roth’s meticulous work again points to inconsistencies and problems in Bellesiles’s research and conclusions.

Brian DeLay, “ How Not to Arm a State: American Guns and the Crisis of Governance in Mexico, Nineteenth and Twenty-First Centuries .” Southern California Quarterly , 2013 DeLay’s article, which offers reflections on the transnational history of Mexico since the early nineteenth century, demonstrates the best kind of work a historian can do: take a contemporary problem—in this case the “Iron River of Guns,” the deadly present-day flow of firearms from the United States into Mexico, where most gun purchasing and ownership is illegal—and connect it to a longer history to help us better understand past and present. As DeLay shows, the movement of firearms across the United States’ southern border has long affected the stability of governance and civil society in Mexico. DeLay’s reflections on this long history bring to mind the quip attributed to turn-of-the-century president Porfirio Díaz about his country: “so far from God, so close to the United States”—and its guns.

Robert R. Dykstra, “ Quantifying the Wild West: The Problematic Statistics of Frontier Violence. ” Western Historical Quarterly , 2009 Dykstra presents another way in which historians can contribute to broader public understanding of the past: they can assess and dismantle inherited mythologies that often obscure the truth more than illuminate it. In his work across several decades, Dykstra has confronted mythologies about the American frontier. Here he writes about the mythologies of violence in the so-called Wild West. Such mythologies have been central to gun culture, leading many Americans today to believe that phenomena like high rates of gun violence or social practices like the open or concealed carry of firearms connect them to popular eighteenth- and nineteenth-century traditions. In reality, gun death rates in frontier towns we identify with the “Wild West” were quite low, in large part because those towns imposed restrictions we’d think of today as gun control.

Akinyele Omowale Umoja, “ ‘We Will Shoot Back’: The Natchez Model and Paramilitary Organization in the Mississippi Freedom Movement .” Journal of Black Studies , 2002 There is a rich and growing literature on the links between the Black freedom movement and firearms across US history. Umoja has authored one of the best monographs in that genre, We Will Shoot Back: Armed Resistance in the Mississippi Freedom Movement (2013), which evolved from this article. Here he writes of the case of paramilitary organizations supporting the freedom movement in the town of Natchez. Umoja’s work, along with that of Charles E. Cobb Jr. and Timothy B. Tyson, among others, has complicated our understanding of the postwar Black freedom movement, which is often simplistically framed as a dichotomy between Martin Luther King’s “peaceful” movement and more militant figures like Malcolm X and groups like the Black Panthers.

Jennifer Carlson, “ Mourning Mayberry: Guns, Masculinity, and Socioeconomic Decline .” Gender and Society , 2015 Carlson is a sociologist who has published two of the most important and innovative recent monographs in gun studies: Citizen-Protectors (2015) and Policing the Second Amendment (2020). This article derives from the former, which examines the practice of armed carry among mostly men, white and Black, in the greater Detroit area. Carlson offers a portrayal that is both critical and empathetic, locating the inspiration for armed carry among men in a feeling of social breakdown and national decline that has challenged men’s identities as family protectors and community guardians.

David Yamane, “ Gun Culture 2.0 and the Great Gun-Buying Spree of 2020 .” Discourse , 2021 Yamane is another sociologist doing innovative and provocative work to help scholars understand the role of guns in American society. He has written widely about the concept of “Gun Culture 2.0,” the shift from hunting and shooting sports to self-defense, which coincides with some evidence of the increasing diversity of US gun ownership. In this article he addresses the most prominent recent development in gun culture—the 2020 gun-buying boom, a remarkable shopping spree, spurred by the pandemic and a summer of protest against police brutality, that was unprecedented even in a country accustomed to them.

David Hemenway, “ The Public Health Approach to Motor Vehicles, Tobacco, and Alcohol, with Applications to Firearms Policy .” Journal of Public Health Policy , 2001 Gun control proponents frequently describe gun violence as a “public health problem,” and there has been extensive research to support that claim. David Hemenway, director of the Harvard Injury Control Research Center, is among the most prolific scholars advocating such an approach. In this article, he compares the failure to acknowledge firearms as a public health problem to the ways public health professionals have approached three other consumer goods that the public has generally agreed present sufficient dangers to require consistent federal regulation. Of course, the catch, critics often observe, is that there is no mention of motor vehicles, tobacco, or alcohol in the US Constitution.

Erin Grinshteyn and David Hemenway, “ Violent Death Rates: The US Compared with Other High-Income OECD Countries, 2010 .” American Journal of Medicine , 2016 It’s worth concluding a concise list of sources illuminating gun culture and gun violence in the United States with a glance overseas. It is a truism of the gun control movement that the United States is an outlier in both gun ownership and violent death rates, and there is a causative relationship between the two. Here, Grinshsteyn and Hemenway offer empirical confirmation. The most reasonable explanation for the United States’ high levels of violent death is its population’s extraordinary access to firearms.

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What the data says about gun deaths in the U.S.

More Americans died of gun-related injuries in 2021 than in any other year on record, according to the latest available statistics from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). That included record numbers of both gun murders and gun suicides. Despite the increase in such fatalities, the rate of gun deaths – a statistic that accounts for the nation’s growing population – remained below the levels of earlier decades.

Here’s a closer look at gun deaths in the United States, based on a Pew Research Center analysis of data from the CDC, the FBI and other sources. You can also read key public opinion findings about U.S. gun violence and gun policy .

This Pew Research Center analysis examines the changing number and rate of gun deaths in the United States. It is based primarily on data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI). The CDC’s statistics are based on information contained in official death certificates, while the FBI’s figures are based on information voluntarily submitted by thousands of police departments around the country.

For the number and rate of gun deaths over time, we relied on mortality statistics in the CDC’s WONDER database covering four distinct time periods:  1968 to 1978 ,  1979 to 1998 ,  1999 to 2020 , and 2021 . While these statistics are mostly comparable for the full 1968-2021 period, gun murders and suicides between 1968 and 1978 are classified by the CDC as involving firearms  and  explosives; those between 1979 and 2021 are classified as involving firearms only. Similarly, gun deaths involving law enforcement between 1968 and 1978 exclude those caused by “operations of war”; those between 1979 and 2021 include that category, which refers to gun deaths among military personnel or civilians  due to war or civil insurrection in the U.S . All CDC gun death estimates in this analysis are adjusted to account for age differences over time and across states.

The FBI’s statistics about the types of firearms used in gun murders in 2020 come from the bureau’s  Crime Data Explorer website . Specifically, they are drawn from the expanded homicide tables of the agency’s  2020 Crime in the United States report . The FBI’s statistics include murders and non-negligent manslaughters involving firearms.

How many people die from gun-related injuries in the U.S. each year?

In 2021, the most recent year for which complete data is available, 48,830 people died from gun-related injuries in the U.S., according to the CDC. That figure includes gun murders and gun suicides, along with three less common types of gun-related deaths tracked by the CDC: those that were accidental, those that involved law enforcement and those whose circumstances could not be determined. The total excludes deaths in which gunshot injuries played a contributing, but not principal, role. (CDC fatality statistics are based on information contained in official death certificates, which identify a single cause of death.)

What share of U.S. gun deaths are murders and what share are suicides?

Though they tend to get less public attention than gun-related murders, suicides have long accounted for the majority of U.S. gun deaths . In 2021, 54% of all gun-related deaths in the U.S. were suicides (26,328), while 43% were murders (20,958), according to the CDC. The remaining gun deaths that year were accidental (549), involved law enforcement (537) or had undetermined circumstances (458).

What share of all murders and suicides in the U.S. involve a gun?

About eight-in-ten U.S. murders in 2021 – 20,958 out of 26,031, or 81% – involved a firearm. That marked the highest percentage since at least 1968, the earliest year for which the CDC has online records. More than half of all suicides in 2021 – 26,328 out of 48,183, or 55% – also involved a gun, the highest percentage since 2001.

How has the number of U.S. gun deaths changed over time?

The record 48,830 total gun deaths in 2021 reflect a 23% increase since 2019, before the onset of the coronavirus pandemic .

Gun murders, in particular, have climbed sharply during the pandemic, increasing 45% between 2019 and 2021, while the number of gun suicides rose 10% during that span.

The overall increase in U.S. gun deaths since the beginning of the pandemic includes an especially stark rise in such fatalities among children and teens under the age of 18. Gun deaths among children and teens rose 50% in just two years , from 1,732 in 2019 to 2,590 in 2021.

How has the rate of U.S. gun deaths changed over time?

While 2021 saw the highest total number of gun deaths in the U.S., this statistic does not take into account the nation’s growing population. On a per capita basis, there were 14.6 gun deaths per 100,000 people in 2021 – the highest rate since the early 1990s, but still well below the peak of 16.3 gun deaths per 100,000 people in 1974.

The gun murder rate in the U.S. remains below its peak level despite rising sharply during the pandemic. There were 6.7 gun murders per 100,000 people in 2021, below the 7.2 recorded in 1974.

The gun suicide rate, on the other hand, is now on par with its historical peak. There were 7.5 gun suicides per 100,000 people in 2021, statistically similar to the 7.7 measured in 1977. (One caveat when considering the 1970s figures: In the CDC’s database, gun murders and gun suicides between 1968 and 1978 are classified as those caused by firearms and explosives. In subsequent years, they are classified as deaths involving firearms only.)

Which states have the highest and lowest gun death rates in the U.S.?

The rate of gun fatalities varies widely from state to state. In 2021, the states with the highest total rates of gun-related deaths – counting murders, suicides and all other categories tracked by the CDC – included Mississippi (33.9 per 100,000 people), Louisiana (29.1), New Mexico (27.8), Alabama (26.4) and Wyoming (26.1). The states with the lowest total rates included Massachusetts (3.4), Hawaii (4.8), New Jersey (5.2), New York (5.4) and Rhode Island (5.6).

The results are somewhat different when looking at gun murder and gun suicide rates separately. The places with the highest gun murder rates in 2021 included the District of Columbia (22.3 per 100,000 people), Mississippi (21.2), Louisiana (18.4), Alabama (13.9) and New Mexico (11.7). Those with the lowest gun murder rates included Massachusetts (1.5), Idaho (1.5), Hawaii (1.6), Utah (2.1) and Iowa (2.2). Rate estimates are not available for Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont or Wyoming.

The states with the highest gun suicide rates in 2021 included Wyoming (22.8 per 100,000 people), Montana (21.1), Alaska (19.9), New Mexico (13.9) and Oklahoma (13.7). The states with the lowest gun suicide rates were Massachusetts (1.7), New Jersey (1.9), New York (2.0), Hawaii (2.8) and Connecticut (2.9). Rate estimates are not available for the District of Columbia.

How does the gun death rate in the U.S. compare with other countries?

The gun death rate in the U.S. is much higher than in most other nations, particularly developed nations. But it is still far below the rates in several Latin American countries, according to a 2018 study of 195 countries and territories by researchers at the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation at the University of Washington.

The U.S. gun death rate was 10.6 per 100,000 people in 2016, the most recent year in the study, which used a somewhat different methodology from the CDC. That was far higher than in countries such as Canada (2.1 per 100,000) and Australia (1.0), as well as European nations such as France (2.7), Germany (0.9) and Spain (0.6). But the rate in the U.S. was much lower than in El Salvador (39.2 per 100,000 people), Venezuela (38.7), Guatemala (32.3), Colombia (25.9) and Honduras (22.5), the study found. Overall, the U.S. ranked 20th in its gun fatality rate that year .

How many people are killed in mass shootings in the U.S. every year?

This is a difficult question to answer because there is no single, agreed-upon definition of the term “mass shooting.” Definitions can vary depending on factors including the number of victims and the circumstances of the shooting.

The FBI collects data on “active shooter incidents,” which it defines as “one or more individuals actively engaged in killing or attempting to kill people in a populated area.” Using the FBI’s definition, 103 people – excluding the shooters – died in such incidents in 2021 .

The Gun Violence Archive, an online database of gun violence incidents in the U.S., defines mass shootings as incidents in which four or more people are shot, even if no one was killed (again excluding the shooters). Using this definition, 706 people died in these incidents in 2021 .

Regardless of the definition being used, fatalities in mass shooting incidents in the U.S. account for a small fraction of all gun murders that occur nationwide each year.

How has the number of mass shootings in the U.S. changed over time?

The same definitional issue that makes it challenging to calculate mass shooting fatalities comes into play when trying to determine the frequency of U.S. mass shootings over time. The unpredictability of these incidents also complicates matters: As Rand Corp. noted in a research brief , “Chance variability in the annual number of mass shooting incidents makes it challenging to discern a clear trend, and trend estimates will be sensitive to outliers and to the time frame chosen for analysis.”

The FBI found an increase in active shooter incidents between 2000 and 2021. There were three such incidents in 2000. By 2021, that figure had increased to 61.

Which types of firearms are most commonly used in gun murders in the U.S.?

In 2020, the most recent year for which the FBI has published data, handguns were involved in 59% of the 13,620 U.S. gun murders and non-negligent manslaughters for which data is available. Rifles – the category that includes guns sometimes referred to as “assault weapons” – were involved in 3% of firearm murders. Shotguns were involved in 1%. The remainder of gun homicides and non-negligent manslaughters (36%) involved other kinds of firearms or those classified as “type not stated.”

It’s important to note that the FBI’s statistics do not capture the details on all gun murders in the U.S. each year. The FBI’s data is based on information voluntarily submitted by police departments around the country, and not all agencies participate or provide complete information each year.

Note: This is an update of a post originally published on Aug. 16, 2019.

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John Gramlich is an associate director at Pew Research Center .

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Essays on Race and Guns in America

• January 04, 2022
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By: Jacob Charles

We are excited to begin rolling out the essays from the Center’s recent roundtable on Race and Guns in America . The essays are impressively rich and thoughtful, offering various descriptions and diagnoses (and some prescriptions) for the persistent problems that arise in a country flooded with guns and saturated with systemic racism.

Starting tomorrow, we will publish one essay each day on the blog (excluding Mondays, when we publish the SCOTUS Gun Watch), with an accompanying link to a PDF version of the post. The titles of the essays are below, and we’ll update this page with the final links to all the essays once the series is complete.  [Updated with links.]

We are very grateful to the authors for their time, contributions, and engaging dialogue on a difficult subject.

• Daniel S. Harawa, The Racial Justice Gambit
• Margareth Etienne, Disarming the Police: Blue Lives, Black Lives and Guns
• Lindsay Livingston, From Self-Defense to Self-Deputization: Defensive Gun Use and the Performance of Reasonable Belief
• Gregory S. Parks, When CRT Meets 2A
• Angela R. Riley, Native Nations and The Right to Bear Arms in a Post McGirt World
• Pratheepan Gulasekaram, “The People”, Citizenship, and Firearms
• Patrick J. Charles, Some Thoughts on Addressing Racist History in the Second Amendment Context
• Kami Chavis, The Dangerous Expansion of Stand-Your-Ground Laws and its Racial Implications
• David E. Olson, Illegal Firearm Possession: A Reflection on Policies and Practices that May Miss the Mark and Exacerbate Racial Disparity in the Justice System
• Brennan Gardner Rivas, The Problem with Assumptions: Reassessing the Historical Gun Policies of Arkansas and Tennessee

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A gun shop in Dunedin, Florida. Photo by Martin Roemers/Panos Pictures

Why America fell for guns

The us today has extraordinary levels of gun ownership. but to see this as a venerable tradition is to misread history.

by Megan Kang   + BIO

In 1970, amid a national confrontation with the United States’ gun culture following the assassinations of Robert F Kennedy and Martin Luther King Jr, the historian Richard Hofstadter struggled to make sense of how the country had become the ‘only industrial nation in which the possession of rifles, shotguns, and handguns is lawfully prevalent among large numbers of its population.’ Writing for the magazine American Heritage , he expressed grave concern for a country ‘afloat with weapons – perhaps as many as 50 million of them – in civilian hands.’ If the US was afloat then, it’s flooded now.

Half a century later, Americans own approximately 400 million firearms and the country carries the unfortunate distinction of being the only one in the world in which guns are known to be the leading cause of child and adolescent death. Today, Americans live with around 1.2 guns per capita – double that of the next-highest scoring country, Yemen. Despite having less than 5 per cent of the global population, the US possesses nearly half of the world’s civilian-owned guns. Moreover, in recent years Americans have witnessed a surge in gun sales and gun-related deaths, unfolding against a backdrop of increasingly lenient gun laws across states.

In light of these developments, Hofstadter’s question takes on renewed urgency: ‘Why is it that in all other modern democratic societies those endangered ask to have such men disarmed, while in the United States alone they insist on arming themselves?’ How did the US come to be so terribly exceptional with regards to its guns?

F rom the viewpoint of today, it is difficult to imagine a world in which guns were less central to US life. But a gun-filled country was neither innate nor inevitable. The evidence points to a key turning point in US gun culture around the mid- 20th century, shortly before the state of gun politics captured Hofstadter’s attention.

Firearm estimates derived from gun sales and surveys indicate that, in 1945, there were somewhere around 45 million guns in the US at a time when the country had 140 million people. A quarter-century later, by 1970, the number of guns doubled , whereas the population increased by a little less than 50 per cent. By 2020, the number of guns had skyrocketed to nearly tenfold of its 1945 rate, while the population grew less than 2.5 times the 1945 number.

From the mid-20th century to today, guns also changed from playing a relatively minor role in US crime to taking centre-stage. Research by the criminologist Martin Wolfgang on Philadelphia’s homicide patterns from 1948 to 1952 reveals that only 33 per cent of the city’s homicides involved a firearm. Today, 91 per cent of homicides in Philadelphia feature a gun. Similarly, the national firearm homicide rate is 81 per cent . In addition, opinion polls traced the evolution over the second half of the 20th century from Americans buying guns primarily for hunting and recreation to buying them for self-protection against other people. Together, these findings reveal a sea change in US gun culture between the mid- 20th century and the present day.

US law prohibits the federal government from keeping a gun registry

So, how did this change happen? Until recently, it’s been difficult to say. The paucity of historical data on gun availability has left the origins of the country’s exceptional gun culture a mystery.

The US lacks a national gun registry, which is what most other countries use to count their gun supply. Yet, gun registration has been a hotly contested issue among US gun owners, who are concerned that state-mandated registration is a precursor to state-sponsored confiscation. Even though gun registries have been shown to reduce gun deaths, US law – specifically, the 1986 Firearm Owners’ Protection Act passed under the then president Ronald Reagan – prohibits the federal government from keeping a registry. As of today, only six US states maintain gun registries.

Without a national gun registry, researchers have had to rely on surveys and gun proxies to investigate trends related to gun availability in the US. Most of our existing data on gun prevalence comes from a few questions on the General Social Survey (GSS), which began asking US households whether they own guns in 1973 and has continued asking them every other year since. Due to its consistency over time and its nationally representative sample, the GSS is considered the gold standard of gun ownership data. It’s also been used to validate proxies for gun ownership that provide better estimates at local and state levels. Some of the most commonly used gun proxies come from hunting licences and Guns & Ammo magazine subscriptions per county, as well as the percentage of suicides with firearms per state.

Annual gun sales give us another indicator of the flow of guns into the country, but since it’s impossible to tell where those guns end up or for how long they’re in use, gun sales provide an imperfect measure of ownership over time. Moreover, gun sales data are consistently available only at the national level, and therefore do not allow researchers to exploit state- or county-level differences to explore how changes in gun ownership are related to other social factors like crime, education and public policy across the country.

It’s no wonder that when a National Research Council committee reviewed the state of research on US guns and violence in 2005, it found that ‘answers to some of the most pressing questions cannot be addressed with existing data.’ The best data available start in 1973 and are ‘limited primarily to a few questions from the General Social Survey.’ As the committee rightly pointed out:

Even the best methods cannot overcome inadequate data … Without improvements in this situation, the substantive questions in the field about the role of guns in suicide, homicide and other crimes, and accidental injury are likely to continue to be debated on the basis of conflicting empirical findings.

In other words, without the right data, even the most basic questions about guns – such as when and how the US came to have so many of them – are untestable and remain susceptible to politicised perspectives and speculative interpretations.

H owever, recent research conducted by Elizabeth Rasich and myself breaks new ground by expanding the data to tackle key questions of gun ownership. Researchers have long used the firearm suicide proxy, regarded as the most reliable indicator of US households with at least one gun, to explore the connection between gun ownership and various issues, including the social costs of firearms, police brutality and mass shootings . Until our newly extended dataset, this proxy was available only from 1973 onward, a time by which the country’s gun culture was already in full swing.

By extending and examining this data for household gun ownership rates – the percentage of suicides with a firearm – we sought to illuminate the enigma of the origins of the distinct gun culture in the US. The key to understanding the inception of this cultural transformation lay in accessing data on gun ownership in earlier decades. While digging in the historical records, we found that the data on firearm suicides go back to 1949, which is the first year the US vital statistics included information about suicides by gun. We hand-digitised the firearm suicide counts for each state and each year from 1949 to 1972, validated the data through a series of statistical tests and, in doing so, created what is now the longest-ranging dataset on state-level gun ownership rates to date.

With the right data in hand, we turned to our next task – making sense of the exceptionally high gun ownership rates among Americans. When trying to figure out when and how the country acquired so many guns, we initially thought the answer may lie in the civil unrest and rising crime rates of the 1960s and ’70s. Instead, we found a trajectory dating back to the mid- 20th century.

Early gun culture was utilitarian, collective and state-directed

Conventional wisdom holds that the ample supply of guns has always been part of the US tradition, with consumer demand steadily meeting it. Hofstadter thought this might have to do with the ‘American historical mythology about the protective value of guns’ as ‘an important counterpoise to tyranny’. Indeed, guns helped Americans secure their independence and expand the western frontier across North America. As many know, the right of Americans to keep and bear arms is, of course, enshrined in the US constitution.

It’s true that guns have been present in the US since its inception, initially serving as tools of necessity in the colonies and on the frontier. They’ve played a key role in American imagination, culture and politics. However, in the past half-century, US gun culture has witnessed an unequivocal transformation. The historian Brian DeLay contends that the idea of a continuous gun culture in the US is a myth. His work shows that early gun culture was utilitarian, collective and state-directed; whereas in the past half-century, the emergence of new gun technologies, such as assault weapons, along with a shift towards self-defensive uses of guns, have come to define contemporary US gun culture. These developments have led gun experts like the sociologist David Yamane to identify the rise of ‘Gun Culture 2.0’ or the ‘culture of armed citizenship’ as a modern phenomenon rather than an endemic national trait.

An alternative explanation for the exceptional gun rates in the US centres on the surge of crime and civil unrest in the late 1960s to ’70s – a period coinciding with Hofstadter’s writing and a national uptick in crime. According to this perspective, the rapid rise in gun ownership rates over the past half-century is a result of escalating crime rates and eroding trust in institutions. This narrative pins the turning point of US gun culture on the spread of urban violence and the fraying of public confidence in government amid the Vietnam War, which encouraged people to put safety in their own hands, or so the story goes.

While an increase in crime and a decline in trust in the US government may have contributed to the surge in gun demand, this can’t be the full story. It’s true that the US gun stock rapidly rose during this period, however historical data from the US Department of Justice indicates that the rate of families reporting gun ownership remained stable or even declined during the 1960s and early ’70s. Moreover, our newly compiled gun ownership data going back to 1949 further challenge this explanation, pointing to an inflection point in earlier decades.

T o understand the real origins of the exceptional gun culture of the US, we needed to look further back in time. Our research reveals a puzzling new trajectory: a remarkable 45 per cent increase in the household gun ownership rate from 1949 to 1990, peaking during 1990. To our surprise, more than half of this rise occurred before 1973, a period previously obscured by the lack of systematic data on gun prevalence. These new data provide a crucial historical perspective, showing that the surge in gun prevalence started before the period marked by rising crime and falling trust. In fact, our measure shows an uptick in gun prevalence beginning in the 1950s, a period defined by low homicide rates and peak trust in government, prompting questions about why and how more households acquired guns during a period of relative calm.

Firearm suicide proxy for household gun ownership (FSS), homicide rate, and firearm homicide rate, 1949 to 2020. National gun ownership rates – as measured by the firearm suicide divided by suicide (FSS) proxy – have moved in tandem with homicide and firearm homicide rates per 100,000 people for most years between 1949 and 2020. According to the FSS proxy, household gun ownership rates increased by 45 per cent between 1949 and 1990, the country’s peak. More than half of that increase occurred between 1949 and 1972, the data left of the vertical dotted line, the period in which researchers previously lacked data on household gun ownership rates

We examined the factors that were most connected to state-level increases in these rates from 1949 to 1990, the decades in which household gun ownership steadily rose and when the exceptional US gun culture took shape. We tested several different variables that could have contributed to this rise – including demographic shifts, rising crime, racial conflicts, changes in education and civil unrest, among others. We controlled for state and year differences within our sample, as is convention in scientific studies on gun ownership over time, to ensure that we weren’t comparing states with other states that have drastically different populations and gun traditions, or that the results weren’t skewed by specific years that were outliers in the data.

They mass-marketed these imported guns to consumers flush with cash

Of all the potential explanations we tested, we discovered that the post-Second World War economic boom and relaxed federal gun regulations most drove the surge in demand for guns. As unemployment rates decreased and incomes increased, firearms – once deemed a luxury or practical necessity – grew within reach for more and more Americans. Simultaneously, cultural attitudes surrounding gun ownership may have shifted, as multiple generations of Americans returning from the Second World War, the Korean War and the Vietnam War became accustomed to owning and using guns.

In his book Gun Country (2023), the historian Andrew McKevitt complements these findings with a rich tapestry of archival evidence. By weaving together gun advertisements, congressional hearings and journalistic sources, among others, McKevitt illustrates that US gun culture is unequivocally modern, specifically emerging post-1945, and from the aftermath of the Second World War and the start of Cold War politics.

Following the global demobilisation in 1945, McKevitt shows, surplus war firearms flooded the US market at dirt-cheap prices. This influx was facilitated by the ‘new gun capitalists’, a group of little-known entrepreneurs who imported and sold these guns to US consumers. They reshaped the US gun industry by establishing a mass market for civilian guns that had limited practical use elsewhere and faced stricter regulations in other countries. Capitalising on the surplus of inexpensive imported firearms, the new gun capitalists learned how to stimulate demand through marketing foreign guns as desirable consumer goods for the everyday American. They mass-marketed these imported guns to consumers flush with cash and eager to acquire these one-of-a-kind war arms from across the globe.

Magazine advertisements for mail-in orders of inexpensive guns targeted new buyers who couldn’t afford the high prices of name-brand US firearms. These ads leveraged the appeal of vintage guns as ‘authentic World War II souvenirs’ from Germany, Spain, Russia, Czechoslovakia, Japan and other war-torn countries. Post-Second World War ads can be found touting guns as among the ‘finest made by the Fascists. Carried by the crack Italian Alpine troops.’ The very gun used by Lee Harvey Oswald to assassinate the president John F Kennedy was an Italian rifle purchased from a Chicago mail-order store.

From an issue of Punch and Judy Comics ; Volume 3, October 1947. Courtesy Wikimedia

Seeking to safeguard retail prices from this new supply of foreign guns, the US gun industry pursued federal action to curb the unregulated flow of imported firearms. However, the administration of the president Dwight Eisenhower decided that redirecting global gun stockpiles into the US was preferable to them arming communist insurgents worldwide. It was the Kennedy assassination, alongside rising crime rates across US cities, that finally prompted Congress to act. The senator Thomas Dodd introduced a bill in 1963 aimed at restricting mail-order firearms. These efforts culminated in the Gun Control Act of 1968, one of the most significant pieces of gun legislation in US history.

W hen considering explanations for Americans’ unique gun culture, Hofstadter thought that perhaps it emerged from the enduring national idea that access to arms counters tyranny. He was partly right. As the new historical evidence shows, it was post-Second World War economic prosperity, abundant supply of cheap guns, along with increased incomes, that made way for the unique gun culture of the US. Once that gun culture took root, it flourished, helped along by public policy. Hofstadter’s theory is consistent with the fact that the steady rise in gun prevalence from 1949 to 1990 was made possible by lenient regulations, upheld by voters who saw gun rights as a symbol of freedom and the right to self-defence.

With the extended data, we can see that Hofstadter wrote at a key moment in the US history of guns. For much of US history, guns were used mainly for recreation and hunting, but during the Cold War the nation turned towards a new era of gun culture. Hofstadter died in 1970, the same year as he wrote his piece on guns. He did not live to see the transformation in the ethos around gun ownership to one of celebration that carries on to the present day.

Hofstadter believed Americans armed themselves against tyranny from above, but today’s reality is different. Guns, primarily used for hunting and sport in the mid- 20th century, became largely owned for protection against fellow civilians – a reflection of a modern fear, the tyranny of uncertainty from each other.

In a country in which tens of millions of people own guns, public safety becomes a personal responsibility, and so individuals often decide that it is in their best interest to protect themselves by buying a gun. This desire to be protected against those who have guns by getting a gun, multiplied across millions of people, has resulted in an arms race that makes everyone less safe. Historical events along with policy choices have shaped this explosion in gun ownership, leading to a society in which many people have grown to associate guns with a sense of personal security. As a result, we hear all the time about guns being used in shared spaces of learning, worship and leisure.

State intervention to restrict gun availability can make a significant difference

In 1970, when thinking about how personal and political conflicts unfold in a nation with so many guns, Hofstadter asked: ‘How far must things go?’ Now, 54 years later, we can answer his question. In 2021, the US witnessed its highest number of gun deaths ever and, in 2023, its deadliest year for mass shootings. Alarming new trends include the rise of ghost guns – homemade guns made from unserialised parts, making them difficult to trace and regulate – and the increasing prevalence of military-grade automatic weapons in civilian hands. Gun ownership is only increasing, with one in five US households having purchased a gun during the COVID-19 pandemic, and new gun owners diversifying to include more women and people of colour. My friend Charles, a street outreach worker in Chicago who works with violence-involved youth, aptly summarised the situation: ‘The answer to more guns is more guns.’

This cycle of guns begetting more guns risks becoming the norm, unless there is concerted state action to reverse the trend. Research shows that state intervention to restrict gun availability can make a significant difference. By the 1990s, unprecedented crime rates prompted many US states to adopt gun restrictions that resulted in a substantial reduction in gun availability and saved tens of thousands of lives. Moreover, mass shootings in Australia, Canada and the United Kingdom motivated their governments to implement commonsense gun regulations, including bans on automatic weapons and requirements for licensing and registration. The success of these interventions offers hope that the current situation is not immutable. However, despite this progress, recent years have witnessed a reversal in both state and federal gun-control efforts. Some states have eased or repealed laws, and in 2022 the US Supreme Court limited states’ ability to restrict gun access. This has likely contributed to the recent surge in firearm deaths, particularly among Black Americans .

Examining US history helps provide insights into the present. The recent spike in gun sales and the easing of firearm restrictions across the US warrant our attention, carrying implications that transcend generations and borders. Guns acquired during the 1990s crime surge have remained in communities with consequences for current generations, and account for one-10th of the life-expectancy gap between white and Black males today. Porous state borders enable the movement of guns from lenient jurisdictions to regions with stricter laws and elevated crime rates.

Today, Americans stand at a critical juncture, facing the consequences of a nation armed against outsiders and one another alike. To tackle this issue, individuals must reject the premise that more guns equate to greater safety. Guns, lasting for more than a century, extend their impact beyond individual households, affecting the collective wellbeing of communities. The prioritisation of individual gun rights in the US over community safety has become a danger to innocents. Americans are locked in a self-perpetuating arms race that makes all of us only less safe. The exceptional gun culture of the US demands a critical reassessment of the nation’s priorities and policies to ensure a safer future – one in which it’s known for something other than guns.

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The Toll Gun Violence Takes on the People Working to Stop It

O n June 25, Surgeon General Dr. Vivek Murthy issued a landmark Advisory on Firearm Violence , declaring the United States’ gun violence epidemic a public health crisis . Dr. Murthy detailed the devastating and far-reaching impact of firearm violence on the health and well-being of the country, noting that is now the leading cause of death Americans 19 and younger.

For gun violence prevention activists, advocates and funders, the Surgeon General’s proclamation is a sad, but important validation of a decades-long effort. It also underscores the ongoing need to support the thousands of people working on the front lines every day to reduce violence in some of our most vulnerable and under-resourced communities.

Read more: U.S. Surgeon General Declares Firearm Violence a Public Health Crisis

One of the most promising gun violence solutions, an approach called community violence intervention (CVI), relies on street outreach workers who risk their lives to save others. CVI strategies are a vital piece of the puzzle when it comes to creating safer communities: They employ evidence-informed, community-led strategies that engage individuals and groups at the highest risk of experiencing and/or perpetrating violence. This work establishes relationships and supports that disrupt cycles of violence and retaliation, and includes neighborhood-and hospital-based interventions, life coaching, peace fellowships, violence-focused cognitive behavioral therapy, and more.

The organization I lead, the Fund for a Safer Future, funds CVI work because the approach has proven to be increasingly effective. An evaluation of one program in Chicago, for example, found that participants were 73% less likely to be arrested for a violent crime than individuals who did not participate. What's more, an analysis of the Advance Peace CVI model found a 22% decrease in gun homicides and assaults, representing a cost savings of at least $25 million. And a 2021 study in Richmond, Calif. found the model was associated with a 55% reduction in firearm violence, including deaths and hospital visits, and 43 percent fewer crimes annually. These results are leading to increased investments in CVI, including $300 million allocated by Congress in 2022.

All of these CVI programs rely heavily on street outreach workers. As a former street outreach worker myself, I experienced first-hand the toll the job can take. We embed ourselves in the lives of those impacted by gun violence to mediate conflict, and in the process, we build deep relationships with them and their families. Sometimes, we still lose them to gun violence. And like other first responders, we head back out there to keep saving lives. But more often than not, it takes a toll that is invisible to most Americans.

Research by sociologist David Hureau and his collaborators from the University at Albany, partially supported by the Fund for a Safer Future, shows just how challenging community violence intervention jobs are. Based on surveys with street outreach workers in Chicago, the research is staggering: 60% of outreach workers witnessed a shooting attempt and 52% witnessed a client die from violence. One in five outreach workers had been shot at, making them 20 times more likely to be shot at than a Chicago police officer. And almost all of them face unrelenting stress: 94 % reported indicators of secondary traumatic stress—which comes from caring for traumatized people—within the previous week.

Read More: Guns Are Not Just a Public Health Problem

These statistics come to life in interviews of Chicago outreach workers conducted by University of Illinois Chicago researchers. “I think what happens is that we become so invested in the lives of other people, that we don’t realize the harms that we’re bringing upon ourselves,” said one outreach worker. “I was MIA from work for like maybe two months…I was getting very violent nightmares,” said another.

“The majority of street intervention workers have suffered tremendously,” explains Kathryn Bocanegra, an assistant professor at the school, in a 2021 study Between a Bullet and its Target: Street Intervention, Trauma Exposure and Professional Implications . “They are so brave and noble in what they are doing, going back into their community and back into the streets, and trying to redefine the narrative around what they do and who they are. But they are doing it without guns and without a bullet-proof vest.”

The implications are clear: Unless we provide health, safety, and economic security for street outreach workers, these programs will struggle to hire and retain the workers who are the key helping reduce gun violence. CVI workers deserve adequate medical and life insurance, regular screening for signs of trauma, and appropriate mental health services when they show signs of trauma.

At a meeting of CVI professionals in April, U.S. Attorney General Merrick Garland noted the significant declines in homicides across the country and thanked CVI workers for their role in creating safer communities. He also announced a new $78 million investment in CVI by the federal government. We share his gratitude and excitement for continued investment in CVI, and we will continue advocating for using these investments to support and protect street outreach workers. 

For communities to fully realize the potential of CVI, we must build on that momentum and treat street outreach workers with the respect and dignity they deserve. Let’s honor the sacrifices they are making every day as they work to make our communities safer. They pour their hearts into their work and put their bodies on the line to protect ours. And they do it with determination, bravery, and love.

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Gun Violence - Essay Samples And Topic Ideas For Free

Gun violence refers to acts of violence committed with the use of firearms. Essays might discuss the causes and consequences of gun violence, the debate around gun control policies, the impact of gun violence on communities, and comparisons of gun violence and gun control measures across different countries. A substantial compilation of free essay instances related to Gun Violence you can find at PapersOwl Website. You can use our samples for inspiration to write your own essay, research paper, or just to explore a new topic for yourself.

Solutions to Gun Violence

Firearms are one of the most debated issues in the United States. On the one hand are the people who demand and require more strict control in the possession and distribution of guns, and on the other side are the people who pressure the government to keep the laws as they are. Buying a gun in this country takes less than an hour. It is very sad how an individual can purchase a gun easily. It is unhappy because some […]

Gun Violence and Gun Control

Gun violence in America is a never-ending series of tragedy after tragedy, mass-shooting and the one of the constant social problem in United State. Many innocent lives have been taken to gun violence from Sandy Hook elementary, Pulse nightclub in Orlando, 2017 Las Vegas, Columbine High School, and all of that violence has been increasing. The Second Amendment, the right of the people to bear arms, has given the individual to own a gun, but many have abused the power […]

The Gun Problem in America

Introduction As stated in the Social Problems textbook, “Social problems: Continuity and change”, “A social problem is any condition or behavior that has negative consequences for large numbers of people and that is generally recognized as a condition or behavior that needs to be addressed” (2015). As a result, I decided to discuss the social problem of the second amendment. Since the founding of the United States of America, the right to bear arms has always been a hot button […]

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Examining the Deep Impact of U.S. Gun Violence on American Society

U.S. gun violence has had put a struggle on american living and the quality of it. Its put America into a spiral of fear, a lot of people don't know the extent of how its effecting are lives and the way we live. Schools have built there security, airports and all other large businesses and or public businesses have also done the same. Laws have been getting stricter and stricter but simply some people just dont listen and obey those […]

The Problem of the Gun Violence

In success central, I attended a small breakout session about gun violence. At first, I thought this breakout session was going to be over gun control and politics but it was more in depth. The session was about how a victim truly feels after being affected by gun violence. Some of the statistics that I learned at the session is, gun-related deaths are now the third leading cause of death for American children. One of the main reasons i enjoyed […]

Should Teachers Carry Guns

Over the past several years there have been mass shootings in America that has struck the feelings of many Americans. Mothers, fathers, brothers, sisters, extended family, and strangers have all been affected by the victims of shootings at Aurora, Colorado, Columbine High school, and Sandy Hook Elementary school. Because of these tragedies, U.S. citizens have become more involved and interested in gun control and prevention of gun violence. Gun Control is a controversial issue that many people have different views […]

Why Gun Violence Increasing

Gun violence has had a drastic increase over the years, leaving the United States desperate for laws to be implemented concerning the well-being and safety of citizens. Terrifying events surrounding gun violence have left researchers with no option but to investigate gun laws and regulations. Only some states require permits in order to purchase a firearm and background checks are required by federal law to anyone purchasing a gun as well. A citizen at the age of 21 is legal […]

Mental Health Screenings and the Effect on Gun Violence

Historically speaking, guns were used for hunting and for protection. In the late 1700's, the Revolutionary War began from Britain's pursuit to take away the colonists weaponry and oppress them. Lexington and Concord was the beginning of the fight for freedom. When Britain surrendered at Yorktown in 1781, the colonists had won their independence. The first constitution called the Articles of Confederation was ratified by all thirteen colonies in 1781 and was in place until 1789 when the U.S Constitution […]

Gun Control Vs Gun Rights

In the U.S, there is a lot of controversy about gun control laws. There are protests, arguments, and laws that not many agree with because it does not support their Second Amendment rights. What truly did the Founding Fathers mean by the Second Amendment? Pro-gun supporters believe it was meant for individuals to have access to guns while gun control supporters believe it was for trained officials. Many people are trying to find a solution on how it should be […]

Combating Gun Violence

A school shooting is an attack at an educational institution, such as a school or university, involving the use of firearms. The first recorded school shooting in the United States took place in 1840, when a law student shot and killed his professor at the University of Virginia. Despite that crime rates in the United States are declining, and homicide specifically is especially rare, many people believe that school shootings are becoming epidemic, occurring more frequently than the have in […]

Students Protest and Addresses Gun Violence

A schools' biggest fear is having a shooter come onto campus. There has been so many incidents on the news that people are trying to find solutions for this issue. Students need to feel safe while they are learning. I have found three articles of school shootings that go into detail about what took place on those days. Each author has had an interesting stand-point about what should happen next. In this paper, i will be comparing the authors perspective […]

The Second Amendment – Firearm Legislation

Americans are being murdered at unprecedented rates and little action has been attempted to prevent similar events from reoccurring. According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, ninety-six Americans die by firearms every day (The Editorial Board). Ninety-six lives end because of a bullet. It is unethical and immoral for that many people to perish, and for there to be little change made. Unfortunately, legislators can not just simply change firearm laws due to the long-standing and well-respected second […]

The State of Gun Violence in the US

Gun violence in today's America has become routine and common. This violence causes a surprising number of deaths and injuries throughout the United States. The main lethal weapon used to take part in violence is the gun. That's one of the reason why stricter gun control policy is needed to make it impossible to own a gun for those who should not own them in the first place. Taking such action could make our neighborhood is a safer place to […]

Stop Gun Violence

Guns in America are ruining our society. Watch the news any day and you will most likely see either a school shooting ora shooting at some type of gathering. For some children going to school is horrifying because they are extremely disturbed by the school shootings that are going in our society. Children as young as kindergarten are learning how to act in the case of a school shooting. Yet, guns are killing innocent people by being able to have […]

Understanding Gun Violence

Almost each and every other year there gets to be cases and more cases related to gun violence where from one point one gets to hear about some suicide by gun, some forceful assaults, some kind of accidental occurrences with a gun and many more. With the unending rising cases linked to the same, there still is quite a lot to be looked at especially when trying to cover the same situation and be able to make sure that one […]

Gun Violence and the Second Amendment

According the Cornell Law Studies Institute, the second amendment states, "A well-regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed." The Second Amendment of the constitution is one of the most misunderstood and confusing sentences in the history of America. The 27-word sentence has a partial collectivist ora while still maintaining the individualistic right to keep and bear arms. Before discussing the reasons behind […]

The Problem of Mass Shootings

Mass shootings are problematic, because they are getting more deadly and more frequent. Mass shootings are defined as a single shooting incident which kills or injures four or more people, including the assailant/shooter ("Guns in the US: The Statistics"). Mass shootings have been shown to be contagious, meaning that a mass shooting one day increases the likelihood of others in the following days (Leatherby). Five of the eighteen most lethal shootings in America since 1949 have occured between 2007 and […]

Gun Violence Prevention

The right to own a gun is established as the Second Amendment in the United States Constitution. Though this right is guaranteed, our country’s relationship with guns is a tumultuous one. Gun laws vary by each state, for instance California gun laws states that, “An application for sale or transfer must be made with a licensed California gun dealer before any firearm may be sold or transferred. The purchaser must present the dealer with a valid California Driver’s License or […]

How the Government Can Decrease Gun Violence

There should be more gun control laws to control gun violence. The debate on gun control in America has been up for deliberation for decades. Almost forty thousand people are killed each year due to homicidal, accidental, and suicidal use of guns (Politics 7). Despite the fact that America has approximately twenty thousand gun laws, there are still often occurring crime due to gun violence. To fix this problem, the government should enforce stricter background checks for all gun sales, […]

Impact of Gun Violence

The constitution of America has various amendments that provide many kinds of leverage to its people, like right to vote, right to speech etc. Among them, one of the most controversial amendment is Second Amendment which gives people right to bear weapons like gun, for their safety. Safety is one of the basic needs of people and they should be provided to the people. However, the word 'safety' is a critical term here; is it really safe to have people […]

How to Change the Gun Violence Situation in the US

In the United States, the number of cases of gun violence have increased tremendously. The reason why these numbers have been so high is because guns have been made easily accessible to the general public. The implications that gun violence has had on the country are so damaging that it is time that the American government come up with ways in which the availability of guns to the American citizens can be restrained. Due to the gun violence situation; people […]

The Las Vegas Shooting, Gun Control and American Violence

The night of October 1, 2017 at the Route 91 Harvest festival in Las Vegas was interrupted by the sound of gun fire that was opened by a gunman from the 32nd floor of the Mandalay Bay Resort and Casino (Time, 2017). As Time reported, in this massive shooting, which went on for 10-15 minutes at about a crowd of 20,000 people, more than 500 people were injured and at least 50 people were killed (Time, 2017). With this tragic […]

The Question of Gun Violence

The first step in solving a problem is recognizing there is one (Mcavoy). America is a country overflowing with individuals holding a great sense of nationalism and pride. Many of these individuals remark that America is the greatest country in the world. This statement is direct, and it takes a stand that no other country is as great as America. Although the United States has many aspects that are great, gun violence is a rising issue holding back the country. […]

Gun Violence in Parkland Florida

There are over thirty thousand deaths a year in the United States related to gun violence with Americans using guns for defensive purposes as many as a million times every year. These deaths are a result of suicides, homicides and accidents. It is evident that gun violence and gun control are issues of serious national importance and are worth debating. The main issues and arguments found in the debate over gun control in the United States have not changed a […]

Public Health Solutions: Gun Violence

Gun violence accounts for approximately 35,000 deaths and 89,600 injuries annually in the United States (Gun Violence in America, 2018). It consists of both intentional and unintentional assault, domestic and family violence, law enforcement intervention, homicide, suicide, self-harm, and undetermined causes (Gun Violence in America, 2018). According to Santhanam (2018), in 2016 the United States ranked second in gun-related deaths, after Brazil and before India. Gun violence is a prominent issue in American society and is certainly a public health […]

Reducing School Gun Violence in New Mexico

School gun violence in the United States is on the rise. Since 2014 there have been an average of five school shootings per month. Since Sandy Hook in 2012, there have been at least 239 school shootings nationwide. In these school shootings 438 were shot, and 138 were killed, and 16 shootings were classified as where 4 or more people were shot. (Preventing School Violence: Assessing Armed Guardians, School Policy, and Context.) More people, including students and teachers, were killed […]

The Problem of Gun Politics in the United States

The Brady campaign to prevent gun violence states every day 8 children and teens die from gun violence, 4 are murdered, 3 die from suicide and 1 killed unintentionally. Every day 39 children and teens are shot and survive, 31 injured in an attack, 1 survives a suicide attempt and 7 shot unintentionally Not only is the 2nd amendment giving access to have a gun to protect ourselves, it is giving others access to commit violent crimes that involve a […]

Gun Violence in America

The issue of gun violence has attracted a heated debate in the US. With time, people have advanced significantly in gun availability and the power to buy military-style firearms, which has led to more likelihood of criminals getting guns that they can use for mass destruction. Yet, burning gun ownership can be a significant issue since most civilians who buy firearms do so to ensure their protection and safety. Many supporters of gun ownership postulate that firearms do not kill, […]

Why does Drug Trafficking Cause Gun Violence

There is a strong relationship between drug trafficking, drug use, and gun violence. The research attempts to come up with a solution for the research question why does drug trafficking cause gun violence. Most youths have been involved in the use of drugs like marijuana, stimulants, hallucinogens, crack cocaine, heroin, and cocaine hence being involved in violence including gun violence (Johnson, Golub, Dunlap, 2000) This research will play a major role in improving academic research, sow the existing causal effect […]

Gun Violence in America: who is to Blame?

Too often, when you raise the issue of guns in this country, it starts a debate with both sides pointing the blame at each other. In the middle, we hear the voices of children who’ve witnessed the killing of their friends and teachers and who are sounding out for action. The question is, will we listen to them? Will we care enough to do something? Horrific tragedies like the shooting at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School a little under a […]

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How To Write an Essay About Gun Violence

Introduction to the issue of gun violence.

Gun violence is a pressing issue in today's society, affecting countless lives and communities. When setting out to write an essay on this topic, it's crucial to first establish a comprehensive understanding of what gun violence entails. This involves not just looking at the statistics and incidents of shootings, but also understanding the various forms of gun violence – from mass shootings to domestic incidents and suicides. The introduction of your essay should present the topic's relevance and urgency, outlining the scope of the issue and its impact on society. This stage is about laying the groundwork for your argument, identifying the key aspects of gun violence that you will explore in the rest of your essay.

Developing Your Argument

The body of your essay should be dedicated to developing a well-structured argument. Start by defining your thesis statement clearly. What aspect of gun violence are you focusing on? Are you examining its causes, the effectiveness of gun control laws, or the societal impact of gun-related incidents? Each paragraph should tackle a specific point that supports your thesis, with evidence and examples to back up your claims. This might include data on gun violence rates, analysis of legislation and its effectiveness, or case studies of particular incidents. It's also important to consider and address counterarguments, as this demonstrates a thorough understanding of the topic and strengthens your own position.

Ethical and Societal Implications

An essay on gun violence should also delve into the ethical and societal implications of the issue. This is where you can explore the broader context of gun violence, such as its impact on public health, the ethical debates surrounding gun ownership and rights, and the societal factors that contribute to the prevalence of gun violence. Discuss the balance between individual rights and public safety, the role of mental health, and the impact of cultural and societal norms around guns. This part of the essay challenges readers to think beyond the immediate effects of gun violence and consider the larger societal structures that enable it.

Concluding the Discussion

In your conclusion, bring together all the threads of your argument, reaffirming your thesis and summarizing the key points you've discussed. This is your opportunity to leave a lasting impression on the reader. You might want to reflect on the broader implications of gun violence for future societal and legislative changes. Suggest possible solutions or areas for further research, and encourage your readers to think critically about their stance on gun violence. A strong conclusion will not only wrap up your essay neatly but will also provoke further thought and discussion on this critical issue.

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Essay On Guns In America

"In 1990, handguns were used to kill approximately 48 people in Japan, 8 in Great Britain, 34 in Switzerland, 52 in Canada, 58 in Israel, 42 in West Germany and 10,728 in the United States”. For many years, America has been regarded as one of the world’s most perilous and ferocious countries in the world. The death rate caused by active gun shooters in the US is extraordinary: “since 1968, more Americans have died from gunfire than died in … all the wars of this country 's history”. Hence why public ownership of guns should be abolished in the USA. Can you imagine to what extent the death rate in America has increased by now? To begin with, the second amendment of the US constitution gives citizens the right to carry or possess a gun. As a result, gun violence in America has increased drastically over the years due to guns being utilised in a reprehensible manner and people getting wedged in the crossfire, hence why stringent law enforcements need to be put in place regarding guns in the US. “Since 1982, there have been at least 61 mass murders carried out with firearms; in most cases, the killers had obtained their weapons legally”. …show more content…

He proposed to ban military-style assault weapons, universal background checks and harsher penalties for gun traffickers. Yet the number of firearm incidents in the US has not changed. All due to the fact that the laws regarding guns in the US are not strict enough. This proposal was announced in the aftermath of the shooting in Sandy Hook Elementary School which occurred on December 14, 2012 where twenty children and seven women lost their lives. This was one of the most deadly and tragic mass murder shooting which has ever occurred in any school in the US. Adam Lanza; the man responsible for this tragic event committed suicide immediately after the police had started to arrive at the crime scene. To why he did this, remains

Essay On Gun Control

Gun Control Gun control is the set of laws or policies that regulate the manufacture, sale, transfer, possession, modification, or use of firearms by civilians. Gun control has been a very big, conflicting topic for a very long time. There are so many different views on gun control and who knows when this conflict will be resolved and when these school shootings will come to an end. Along with all the suicides that are happening involving guns, it needs to end. This issue seems to be getting worse, and the policies they have now are not working like they should be.

Gun Control Essay

The debate surrounding gun control and gun violence has been an ongoing controversy in many communities and America as a whole. As gun violence increase each year, views and opinions are rising, which not only have created tension in communities, but also has become a major debate in society. Although some critics argue that guns bring an overall negative impact to the country, others comment that guns are crucial to the beliefs and views of people today as well as important to their culture. In the context of today's society, many people in America are viewing gun control as an infringement of their rights and its threat towards their ability to protect, thus questioning: To what extent should gun use and possession should be controlled?

Essay On Gun Violence

The topic I want to talk about is Gun violence. Gun violence is pretty much explains itself, It is the usage of a gun to commit a violent act. I think Gun violence is an important issue because there are roughly 32,000 gun deaths per year. The way it affects me personally, is because my grandmother shot herself when I was younger.

Why Do We Have The Right To Bear Arms Essay

According to Gun Violence Archive (GVA) “as of today there is a total of 27,645 of gun incidents in the United States, of this total, 7,151 are deaths, 14,749 injuries, 319 are children between the ages of 0 to 11 years old, 1,551 are teens between the ages of 12 to 17, 179 of this incidents correspond to a number of mass shootings, 171 are officers that were either killed or injured, 960 were individuals involved with crime, 1,160 due to home invasion, only 849 are use in defense and 1,179 correspond to accidental” (Gun Violence Archive, 1). Due to high numbers on statistics regarding gun violence a lot of people wonder if by giving the right to people to keep arms is keeping them safe or turning them into a menace to society. Some people believe that gun control will not deter crime and it will prevent citizens from protecting themselves. However, some other individuals believe that gun control will reduce gun

False Promise Of Gun Control Essay

The False Promise of Gun Control The fight over gun regulation in the United States dates back to the country's formation, when the writers of the Constitution drafted the Second Amendment, which allows private persons to "keep and bear weapons." After President John F. Kennedy was assassinated on November 22, 1963, gun control became a much greater issue. Gun control is dictating who can buy, sell, and use certain classes of firearms. There are reasons that these laws are in place in order to protect citizens from people that use firearms unlawfully and that can cause us harm if they intend to use them for any crime including but not limited to school shootings, robbing, to scaring people, and many more acts of crime.

Essay On Gun Policy

The United States constitution states by the 2nd amendment, that all men have the right to bear firearms in order to protect themselves. The gun policy in the US has been widely discussed in broad manners, and after hearing so much from different media outlets, I believe that I am able to make a stand on where I lean towards on this complex subject I do not think fondly of the USA’s gun policy, it has never worked and the whole concept of allowing firearms in a society is a very bad idea. The gun policy fails in every way, and a major problem is that it can be abused by anyone. Without much hesitation, a person can purchase a firearm, which of course is very dangerous.

The Pros And Cons Of The Second Amendment

Statistics show that comparable to other democratic nations the United states has a higher proportion of gun related violent incidents than those states where gun control legislation has been adopted. An example would be the case of the United Kingdom, which had approximately 2,261 Violence Against the Person (VAP) Offences involving firearms, including low velocity Air weapons in 2015/16 . If this is then compared to the United States which had, in the same period, 9,616 gun related murders and a million VAP offences that did not end in a fatality, then it can be argued that the NRA’s outdated mantra is illogical . There are many further problems with the NRA argument that can be identified in the modern era. , but the main issue would be the NRA’s reasons for the existence of the Amendment.

Argumentative Essay: Gun Violence In America

Gun Violence In America Gun violence in america accounted for 33,636 deaths in 2015 alone and that number is only rising. If every american was able to obtain a firearm imagine what the numbers of gun related deaths. Even gun related injuries caused many more hospital visits in america what many other common incidents. That is why america needs to implement tighter gun laws to reduce the amount of gun violence in America. Without this we will continue to see shooting, gun death, gun injuries resulting in more and more gun related violence.

Why Americans Should Have Guns Essay

Why Americans Need Guns The right to bear arms helps protect ourselves and our families. It is our constitutional right to bear arms and I believe it should not be taken away. Some people think if we did not have guns there would be less crime in the United States, but that is not true.

Persuasive Essay On The 2nd Amendment

I think it is clear that America’s lenient Gun Laws have no doubt been a huge factor on the staggering amount of gun violence for a long time. I do believe, however, in people’s rights to defend and arm themselves, it is part of their constitution, I just feel that it is necessary that the laws regarding the 2nd amendment need to be reinforced and should introduce some restrictions to ensure that only the people who are mentally capable of wielding a firearm, without causing harm to society, should be allowed to acquire one. I do also recognise that there are already a staggering number of guns in the possession of the general public, and I feel that the only way to tackle this issue is cultural change in America, changing the views of individuals on the idea of guns, but change is always

Persuasive Essay On Gun Control

Everyday in the United States, ninety families are changed forever; guns claim an average of ninety lives every day in the United States, 33,000 lives in a single year. Gun control has been a debate in the United States for many years and is constantly thrusted back into the public’s attention by horrific shootings. These shootings constantly cause individuals to petition the government to place stricter and stricter regulations of guns. However, these policies cannot be the solution to this problem. To determine a solution that will be both effective and constitutional, we must look at statistics and research that has been conducted to determine the best course of action.

Why Guns Should Be Banned Essay

The number of incidents of gun violence last year in the United States was about 60,000. In recent years, the number of mass shooting has risen to about one mass shooting per day in the United States. The country is divided with some wanting to reevaluate our gun control laws and either ban or add additional regulations to the purchase of guns. Others say it is our right for Americans to own guns and something the founding fathers considered important to put in the Bill of Rights. The number of firearm sales has risen with the number of mass shooting many Americans question if banning guns or certain guns could help decrease the number of gun violence deaths.

It is no secret that there is a gun violence issue in Miami-Dade County. Although it has become common nature in our society, statistics show that gun violence has drastically gone down since the 1980’s. The Miami Herald states that in the early 80’s Miami-Dade recorded an average of 500 homicides per year. In contrast, in 2016, there were only 187 shooting homicides. In the United States, gun violence is the cause for about 30,000 deaths and 60,000 injuries every year.

Essay On Gun Ownership

Gun Ownership Gun ownership has raised up a great dispute in the United States (U.S.) because people do not know whether they help or if they make things worse. To understand better on how common it is for civilians to own guns the study from Small Arms Survey will help, “in 2007 there were about 875 million guns in the world combining civilians and law enforcement and out of all those guns the U.S. has the first place in civilian gun ownership with 270 million. The percentage ownership is 89 out of 100 people own a gun.” (Karp) The U.S. is the country with the most guns in the world, therefore, the country has to go over the current laws and fix them if needed, the homeowners have to provide a safe place for their families and they also have

Argumentative Essay: The Constitutional Amendment

Besides, there was not necessary of the constitutional amendment because the right to bear arms had missing its own usefulness. It is because the violent crime and a large proportion of this violent is gun-related. United States has one of the highest rates. The gun violence had incorporate the biggest volume of violence in the United States according to the U.S Department of Justice. For example, in 1995, about 60.3% of homicides involved handguns, and 68 % involved guns; in 1996, about 34500 people unfortunately passed away from gunfire in United States, and of these deaths, approximately 45% resulted from homicides.

More about Essay On Guns In America

Home — Essay Samples — Social Issues — Gun Control — The Problem of Gun Control in America

The Problem of Gun Control in America

• Categories: American Values Gun Control Gun Violence

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Words: 664 |

Published: May 19, 2020

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Law and Crime

Why are more americans buying guns for self-defense, many americans have been feeling unsafe recently..

Posted June 10, 2024 | Reviewed by Michelle Quirk

• Though violent crime has declined, an increasing number of Americans are purchasing guns for self-protection.
• One explanation involves the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic.
• Other causes may involve recent changes in gun advertising and the popularity of the great replacement theory.

A recent study by Stroebe and Leander discusses why more and more Americans report owning guns for self-protection.

Gun ownership in the United States

In most industrialized Western countries, it is not the responsibility of citizens themselves but the police and the criminal justice system to protect people from harm.

In the United States, however, many feel that they need firearms for self-defense—to protect themselves, their loved ones, and their property. To be specific, U.S. civilians own more than 393 million firearms, according to a recent estimate by The Small Arms Survey .

Why does a large segment of the society say they need guns for self-defense?

Is defensive gun ownership related to high levels of violent crime—robbery, sexual assault , rape, manslaughter, murder, etc.? This is a plausible answer, except that research suggests a significant decline in violent crimes since the 1990s.

Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) data show that the “violent crime rate fell 49% between 1993 and 2022.” As an aside, the rate of property crime (e.g., larceny, motor vehicle theft, burglary) also fell by 55 percent during the same period.

If this seems counterintuitive to you, you are not alone. Indeed, a large portion of Americans believe crime has been increasing.

Interestingly, although most Americans believe crime is up nationally , they do not think crime is up in their own community .

So, the perception of rising crime is likely not based on personal experience. Perhaps it is shaped by other factors—for instance, newspaper articles, television programs, and social media .

A model of defensive gun ownership

Leander and Stroebe propose that defensive gun ownership is a response to the perception of threat—specifically, to two types of threats.

The first one, a specific threat, is the perceived lifetime risk of being assaulted . This is the subjective likelihood that one will experience a violent crime (e.g., mugging, home invasion) in their lifetime.

The second, a diffuse threat , is the assumption that the world is a dangerous place . Belief in a dangerous world often goes hand in hand with prejudice against outgroups .

Note, members of the ingroup are fellow gun owners, most of whom tend to be men, white, politically conservative, Republican-leaning, and those who hold the same prejudices . A considerable number of Trump supporters who hold anti-immigrant attitudes, for instance, would fall into this category.

Furthermore, gun ownership and racism are both associated with right-wing authoritarianism. Right-wing authoritarianism involves unquestioning deference to authority, acceptance of established social conventions, and aggression toward minorities and other outsiders. To learn more, see my post .

Societal changes and a growing need for self-protection

Let us return to the question of why an increasing number of Americans feel unsafe, despite the declining crime rate. Here are three potential explanations.

One, white Americans could be concerned about losing their majority status in the United States.

To understand the importance of majority status, allow me to briefly discuss social identity theory.

Social identity theory suggests individuals define who they are by identifying with valued ingroups and positively differentiating themselves from outgroups. Doing so helps them meet psychological needs such as belonging and self-esteem .

Being the majority is one way we positively differentiate ourselves from members of other groups. Therefore, losing the majority status may increase a sense of powerlessness and even victimhood.

In the case of white Americans, this sense of vulnerability may encourage both gun ownership and prejudice toward immigrants and religious and racial minorities. In rare cases, this prejudice would take the form of overt racism. More often, however, it would be indirect, such as the endorsement of conspiracy theories about racial, ethnic, and religious groups replacing white people (e.g., the great replacement theory).

A second factor contributing to heightened feelings of insecurity is the combined effects of the COVID-19 pandemic and the co-occurring increase in gun violence, which may have convinced people who did not own firearms that they needed guns for self-protection. Some research supports this hypothesis.

A third factor involves changes in gun advertisements. Only in recent decades has self-defense become a dominant theme of gun advertising . Though protecting oneself has always been part of the gun culture, recreational uses (hunting, sport shooting) received more emphasis in the past.

The initial question posed in this post was this: Why do Americans think they need guns to protect themselves?

As noted, the need for firearms for self-protection may be caused by two types of alarming assumptions: the belief that one has a high risk of being assaulted and the assumption that the world is a dangerous place filled with unpredictable or malicious groups of people.

A second question is this: Why has the number of Americans who own guns for self-defense increased ?

This is harder to answer because data show violent crime has been declining in recent years. In other words, despite experiencing less crime, Americans feel the world has actually become a more dangerous place than it used to be.

This counterintuitive finding may be explained by one or more of the following factors:

• The growing popularity of conspiracy theories: The great replacement theory, for example, refers to claims that native-born white Americans are being replaced (by people of color and immigrants) and losing their culture and identity.
• The COVID-19 pandemic: Facing a highly contagious new disease, many Americans felt unprepared and unable to cope. Even now, a large portion of the population continues to feel more vulnerable than they did before COVID-19 spread to the United States.
• Changes in gun advertising: Americans are exposed to a larger number of advertisements that emphasize self-defense as the primary reason for owning guns.

Daniel De Visé. America’s white majority is aging out. The Hill. August 7, 2023.

Dustin Jones. What is the 'great replacement' and how is it tied to the Buffalo shooting suspect? NPR. May 16, 2022.

Arash Emamzadeh attended the University of British Columbia in Canada, where he studied genetics and psychology. He has also done graduate work in clinical psychology and neuropsychology in U.S.

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Guest Essay

The Supreme Court Steps Back From the Edge

By Linda Greenhouse

Ms. Greenhouse, the recipient of a 1998 Pulitzer Prize, reported on the Supreme Court for The Times from 1978 to 2008 and was a contributing Opinion writer from 2009 to 2021.

The nine members of the Supreme Court peered over a precipice. A disagreeable choice loomed before them.

They could apply their two-year-old gun-rights precedent, as a lower court had, and declare unconstitutional a federal law aimed at keeping guns out of the hands of individuals under court-issued restraining orders for domestic violence. If they endorsed such an extreme outcome, they knew, they would be taking down not only a 30-year-old law but also perhaps even the court itself, already at a near low in public esteem. Or they could step back from the edge, relaxing their embrace of the Second Amendment just enough to issue a judicially worded “never mind.”

Eight justices decided not to make the leap — all but Justice Clarence Thomas, clinging tightly to the precedent on which five of the others had joined him only two years earlier as he went over the edge. He was left alone on the bottom to complain forlornly that the court had failed to “point to a single historical law revoking a citizen’s Second Amendment right based on possible interpersonal violence.”

Of course, I’m taking a few liberties here; I can’t know whether any of the justices understood their dilemma in quite this way. But it’s impossible to see the outcome in United States v. Rahimi as anything other than an exercise in institutional self-preservation. It certainly wasn’t an exercise in judicial coherence. While Chief Justice John Roberts’s majority opinion garnered eight votes, five members of his majority felt impelled to express their own contrasting if not exactly conflicting views in separate opinions.

Clearly, the chief justice’s succinct 18-page opinion didn’t fully satisfy everyone who signed on. Often in such cases, a justice who agrees with the opinion writer’s bottom line but who has a substantially different view of how to get there won’t sign the main opinion but will write a separate opinion “concurring in the judgment.” With enough of those, the majority opinion no longer speaks for a majority of the court. That didn’t happen this time, I think because all eight recognized a transcendent need for the court to tell the world, in a voice at least nominally unified, that “when we transformed the law of the Second Amendment in New York State Rifle & Pistol Association v. Bruen two years ago, we didn’t intend for it to lead to this. ”

The Rahimi case was argued on Nov. 7, 2023, making it the oldest undecided case of the term by the time the court handed down the decision on Friday. What was going on during those eight-plus months? We can only assume that the final product took a lot of work, both individual and collective. It’s a good guess that not all the conservative justices were quick to sign onto the chief justice’s opinion, at least not until they could have their say.

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